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Smart cities
Inteligencia artificial y gestión de residuos: ¿el fin de los camiones de basura?
Por M. Victoria S. Nadal
Un nuevo sistema de recogida automatizada registra la cantidad de basura que deposita cada familia y adapta las tasas a pagar
Madrid 21 AGO 2017 - 09:14 CEST
En la mayor parte de las ciudades, los basureros recorren las calles, vacían contenedores, soportan —como los vecinos— los malos olores y los ruidos que genera el proceso de recogida de basura. Parece que los camiones son una parte imprescindible difícil de automatizar, pero la empresa Envac propuso hace unos años un sistema neumático propulsado por ventiladores, que podría ayudar a mecanizar este proceso de recolección transportando la basura por debajo del suelo. Ahora, este sistema se sirve de la inteligencia artificial y el internet de las cosas para autorregularse y ser más eficiente haciendo, por ejemplo, que pagues solo por la basura que generas.
(Texto disponivel em https://retina.elpais.com/retina/2017/08/17/innovacion/1502964881_855411.html. Acesso em 22.08.2017)
T E X T
EL TIGRE, Venezuela — Thousands of workers are fleeing Venezuela’s state-owned oil company, abandoning once-coveted jobs made worthless by the worst inflation in the world. And now the hemorrhaging is threatening the nation’s chances of overcoming its long economic collapse.
Desperate oil workers and criminals are also stripping the oil company of vital equipment, vehicles, pumps and copper wiring, carrying off whatever they can to make money. The double drain — of people and hardware — is further crippling a company that has been teetering for years yet remains the country’s most important source of income.
The timing could not be worse for Venezuela’s increasingly authoritarian president, Nicolás Maduro, who was re-elected last month in a vote that has been widely condemned by leaders across the hemisphere. Prominent opposition politicians were either barred from competing in the election, imprisoned or in exile.
But while Mr. Maduro has firm control over the country, Venezuela is on its knees economically, buckled by hyperinflation and a history of mismanagement. Widespread hunger, political strife, devastating shortages of medicine and an exodus of well over a million people in recent years have turned this country, once the economic envy of many of its neighbors, into a crisis that is spilling over international borders.
If Mr. Maduro is going to find a way out of the mess, the key will be oil: virtually the only source of hard currency for a nation with the world’s largest estimated petroleum reserves. But each month Venezuela produces less of it. Offices at the state oil company are emptying out, crews in the field are at half strength, pickup trucks are stolen and vital materials vanish. All of this is adding to the severe problems at the company that were already acute because of corruption, poor maintenance, crippling debts, the loss of professionals and even a lack of spare parts.
Now workers at all levels are walking away in large numbers, sometimes literally taking pieces of the company with them, union leaders, oil executives and workers say.
A job with Petróleos de Venezuela, known as Pdvsa, used to be a ticket to the Venezuelan Dream. No more.
Inflation in Venezuela is projected to reach an astounding 13,000 percent this year, according to the International Monetary Fund. When The New York Times interviewed Mr. Navas in May, the monthly salary for a worker like him was barely enough to buy a whole chicken or two pounds of beef. But with prices going up so quickly, it buys even less now.
Junior Martínez, 28, who has worked in the oil industry for eight years, is assembling papers, including his diploma as a chemical engineer. His wife and her daughter left three months ago to earn money in Brazil. “I get 1,400,000 bolívars a week and it isn’t even enough to buy a carton of eggs or a tube of toothpaste,”Mr. Martínez said of his salary in bolívars, Venezuela’s currency.
Mr. Martínez’s father, Ovidio Martínez, 55, recalled growing up here when the oil boom began. He cried as he spoke of his son’s determination to leave the country. “You watch your children leave and you can’t stop them,” the elder Mr. Martínez said, fighting back tears. “In this country, they don’t have a future.”
In El Tigre, hundreds of people stood in line one recent morning outside a supermarket, many waiting since the evening before to buy whatever food they could.
From: www.nytimes.com/June 14, 2018. Adapted.
Smart cities
Inteligencia artificial y gestión de residuos: ¿el fin de los camiones de basura?
Por M. Victoria S. Nadal
Un nuevo sistema de recogida automatizada registra la cantidad de basura que deposita cada familia y adapta las tasas a pagar
Madrid 21 AGO 2017 - 09:14 CEST
En la mayor parte de las ciudades, los basureros recorren las calles, vacían contenedores, soportan —como los vecinos— los malos olores y los ruidos que genera el proceso de recogida de basura. Parece que los camiones son una parte imprescindible difícil de automatizar, pero la empresa Envac propuso hace unos años un sistema neumático propulsado por ventiladores, que podría ayudar a mecanizar este proceso de recolección transportando la basura por debajo del suelo. Ahora, este sistema se sirve de la inteligencia artificial y el internet de las cosas para autorregularse y ser más eficiente haciendo, por ejemplo, que pagues solo por la basura que generas.
(Texto disponivel em https://retina.elpais.com/retina/2017/08/17/innovacion/1502964881_855411.html. Acesso em 22.08.2017)
O ciclo de inovações da revolução tecnocientífica e informacional afetou apenas superficialmente os países periféricos.
Nesses países, o panorama industrial é dominado pela(o), EXCETO:
T E X T
EL TIGRE, Venezuela — Thousands of workers are fleeing Venezuela’s state-owned oil company, abandoning once-coveted jobs made worthless by the worst inflation in the world. And now the hemorrhaging is threatening the nation’s chances of overcoming its long economic collapse.
Desperate oil workers and criminals are also stripping the oil company of vital equipment, vehicles, pumps and copper wiring, carrying off whatever they can to make money. The double drain — of people and hardware — is further crippling a company that has been teetering for years yet remains the country’s most important source of income.
The timing could not be worse for Venezuela’s increasingly authoritarian president, Nicolás Maduro, who was re-elected last month in a vote that has been widely condemned by leaders across the hemisphere. Prominent opposition politicians were either barred from competing in the election, imprisoned or in exile.
But while Mr. Maduro has firm control over the country, Venezuela is on its knees economically, buckled by hyperinflation and a history of mismanagement. Widespread hunger, political strife, devastating shortages of medicine and an exodus of well over a million people in recent years have turned this country, once the economic envy of many of its neighbors, into a crisis that is spilling over international borders.
If Mr. Maduro is going to find a way out of the mess, the key will be oil: virtually the only source of hard currency for a nation with the world’s largest estimated petroleum reserves. But each month Venezuela produces less of it. Offices at the state oil company are emptying out, crews in the field are at half strength, pickup trucks are stolen and vital materials vanish. All of this is adding to the severe problems at the company that were already acute because of corruption, poor maintenance, crippling debts, the loss of professionals and even a lack of spare parts.
Now workers at all levels are walking away in large numbers, sometimes literally taking pieces of the company with them, union leaders, oil executives and workers say.
A job with Petróleos de Venezuela, known as Pdvsa, used to be a ticket to the Venezuelan Dream. No more.
Inflation in Venezuela is projected to reach an astounding 13,000 percent this year, according to the International Monetary Fund. When The New York Times interviewed Mr. Navas in May, the monthly salary for a worker like him was barely enough to buy a whole chicken or two pounds of beef. But with prices going up so quickly, it buys even less now.
Junior Martínez, 28, who has worked in the oil industry for eight years, is assembling papers, including his diploma as a chemical engineer. His wife and her daughter left three months ago to earn money in Brazil. “I get 1,400,000 bolívars a week and it isn’t even enough to buy a carton of eggs or a tube of toothpaste,”Mr. Martínez said of his salary in bolívars, Venezuela’s currency.
Mr. Martínez’s father, Ovidio Martínez, 55, recalled growing up here when the oil boom began. He cried as he spoke of his son’s determination to leave the country. “You watch your children leave and you can’t stop them,” the elder Mr. Martínez said, fighting back tears. “In this country, they don’t have a future.”
In El Tigre, hundreds of people stood in line one recent morning outside a supermarket, many waiting since the evening before to buy whatever food they could.
From: www.nytimes.com/June 14, 2018. Adapted.
O cartunista Henrique de Souza Filho, o Henfil (1944-1988), discutia os problemas políticos, sociais e econômicos no Brasil dos anos 1970 com bom humor, através de personagens que apareciam no semanário Pasquim, no Jornal do Brasil e na Revista Fradim. Analise as seguintes proposições:
I - Henfil criou um trio curioso: a Graúna (uma ave magrinha, mas muito combativa), Francisco Orelana (um bode que gostava de devorar livros) e Zeferino (um cangaceiro macho e lutador, mas dado a gestos carinhosos). Eles habitavam um lugar chamado Alto da Caatinga onde tudo era uma metáfora sobre o Brasil dos tempos da ditadura militar.
II - As discussões travadas pelos personagens de Henfil eram densas. Um tema recorrente era o das diferenças regionais - o descompasso existente entre o Sul-Sudeste desenvolvido e o Norte-Nordeste subdesenvolvido.
III - Mesmo sob uma censura implacável, Henfil denunciava a opressão e os abusos da ditadura, falava da miséria do povo, do conservadorismo da sociedade, criticava o capitalista, etc.
Está(ão) correta(s) a(s) proposições:
T E X T
EL TIGRE, Venezuela — Thousands of workers are fleeing Venezuela’s state-owned oil company, abandoning once-coveted jobs made worthless by the worst inflation in the world. And now the hemorrhaging is threatening the nation’s chances of overcoming its long economic collapse.
Desperate oil workers and criminals are also stripping the oil company of vital equipment, vehicles, pumps and copper wiring, carrying off whatever they can to make money. The double drain — of people and hardware — is further crippling a company that has been teetering for years yet remains the country’s most important source of income.
The timing could not be worse for Venezuela’s increasingly authoritarian president, Nicolás Maduro, who was re-elected last month in a vote that has been widely condemned by leaders across the hemisphere. Prominent opposition politicians were either barred from competing in the election, imprisoned or in exile.
But while Mr. Maduro has firm control over the country, Venezuela is on its knees economically, buckled by hyperinflation and a history of mismanagement. Widespread hunger, political strife, devastating shortages of medicine and an exodus of well over a million people in recent years have turned this country, once the economic envy of many of its neighbors, into a crisis that is spilling over international borders.
If Mr. Maduro is going to find a way out of the mess, the key will be oil: virtually the only source of hard currency for a nation with the world’s largest estimated petroleum reserves. But each month Venezuela produces less of it. Offices at the state oil company are emptying out, crews in the field are at half strength, pickup trucks are stolen and vital materials vanish. All of this is adding to the severe problems at the company that were already acute because of corruption, poor maintenance, crippling debts, the loss of professionals and even a lack of spare parts.
Now workers at all levels are walking away in large numbers, sometimes literally taking pieces of the company with them, union leaders, oil executives and workers say.
A job with Petróleos de Venezuela, known as Pdvsa, used to be a ticket to the Venezuelan Dream. No more.
Inflation in Venezuela is projected to reach an astounding 13,000 percent this year, according to the International Monetary Fund. When The New York Times interviewed Mr. Navas in May, the monthly salary for a worker like him was barely enough to buy a whole chicken or two pounds of beef. But with prices going up so quickly, it buys even less now.
Junior Martínez, 28, who has worked in the oil industry for eight years, is assembling papers, including his diploma as a chemical engineer. His wife and her daughter left three months ago to earn money in Brazil. “I get 1,400,000 bolívars a week and it isn’t even enough to buy a carton of eggs or a tube of toothpaste,”Mr. Martínez said of his salary in bolívars, Venezuela’s currency.
Mr. Martínez’s father, Ovidio Martínez, 55, recalled growing up here when the oil boom began. He cried as he spoke of his son’s determination to leave the country. “You watch your children leave and you can’t stop them,” the elder Mr. Martínez said, fighting back tears. “In this country, they don’t have a future.”
In El Tigre, hundreds of people stood in line one recent morning outside a supermarket, many waiting since the evening before to buy whatever food they could.
From: www.nytimes.com/June 14, 2018. Adapted.
A força magnética que atua em uma partícula elétrica é expressa pela seguinte fórmula:
Admita quatro partículas elétricas idênticas, P1, P2, P3 e P4, penetrando com velocidades de
mesmo módulo em um campo magnético uniforme 
conforme ilustra o esquema.
Nesse caso, a partícula em que a força magnética atua com maior intensidade é:
