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Questões de Linguagens do ENEM

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18.995 questões encontradas. Mostrando a página 281 de 950.

  • 922868B8-02

    Português

    Gêneros Textuais
    Centro Universitário de Volta Redonda · 2018FácilEntre para guardar nos favoritos

    A indiferença com a violência nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro

    O silêncio de autoridades e instituições revela o fatalismo de uma política de segurança pública falida

    Marcelo Baumann Burgo

     

    A rotina de tiroteios em diversas favelas do Rio de Janeiro tem por cenário um labirinto de casas recheadas de seres humanos, acuados e humilhados. O quadro ultrapassa as raias do absurdo, e nem os escritores do realismo mágico seriam capazes de imaginá-lo.

    O que mais surpreende, contudo, é o silêncio condescendente das autoridades e instituições cujo papel deveria ser o de, antes de qualquer outra coisa, zelar pelas garantias mínimas do direito à vida e integridade física dos cidadãos.

                Mas ao que tudo indica, para os moradores das favelas cariocas, nem mesmo esse aspecto elementar do pacto hobbesiano tem sido preservado, o que sugere que, para eles, a lei é a da barbárie. Na favela da Rocinha, por exemplo, desde setembro de 2017, a cada três dias pelo menos uma pessoa – incluindo policiais - morreu nesses confrontos.

    O primeiro e mais ensurdecedor silêncio é o do governador e das autoridades da segurança pública estaduais e federais. No máximo, se manifestam quando algum policial é morto no “campo de batalha”, para lamentar sua perda e reafirmar o “espírito de combate da tropa”.

    Diante desse silêncio deliberado, ficam no ar várias perguntas: como explicar o sentido de uma política de segurança que tem como efeito real a tortura diária da população das favelas, que se vê obrigada a conviver com um fogo cruzado intenso e aleatório? Quem realmente responde por ela, e pelas mortes e sofrimento que ela provoca? Onde se pretende chegar com isso? Quais as suas razões “técnicas”, se é que não é uma ofensa às vítimas formular essa pergunta? SILÊNCIO...

    Sob esse primeiro vácuo de respostas, há um segundo nível de silêncio, o das instituições que deveriam questionar as autoridades estaduais e federais. Cadê os poderes legislativos, que não criam um grupo suprapartidário de parlamentares para interpelar o governo? Neste caso, não vale alegar que estamos aguardando as próximas eleições para “fazer o debate”, pois o sofrimento é hoje, e a morte espreita diariamente a vida dessa população.

    E o Ministério Público, que não organiza uma força-tarefa para, tempestivamente, proteger a ordem jurídica escandalosamente violada, com a agressão de todo tipo aos direitos fundamentais dos cidadãos? SILÊNCIO...

    Sob essa segunda e espessa camada de silêncios, subsiste uma terceira igualmente decisiva, a da grande imprensa. Não que ela não faça a crônica diária dos tiroteios, mas em geral as faz descrevendo os fatos com aparente neutralidade, como se eles simplesmente fizessem parte da rotina, não dando sinais, portanto, de que reflete sobre o que significa informar, em uma mesma matéria, que três ou quatro pessoas morreram ou se feriram, e que a operação teve como saldo a apreensão de “um fuzil”, “dez trouxinhas de maconha”, e “alguns papelotes de cocaína”...

    Cadê os editoriais cobrando respostas das autoridades? Cadê o trabalho que, em outras áreas da vida pública, por exemplo na questão da corrupção, a grande imprensa faz com tanto zelo para mobilizar a opinião pública? No caso da rotina de tiroteios nas favelas o que parece resultar do trabalho da grande imprensa é o oposto da mobilização, ou seja, um efeito de resignação diante da violência ordinária.

    Restaria, ainda, a sociedade civil organizada. Cadê a OAB, CNBB, ABI, as universidades, associações de bairro, e tantas outras que se irmanaram na luta contra a ditadura? Para ser justo com elas, até esboçaram alguma reação, mas sem força para fazer diferença. Com isso, tudo se passa como se esse bangue-bangue diário e estúpido dissesse respeito apenas aos moradores das favelas. Será que devemos esperar que somente eles se mobilizem?

    Como se vê, para além de quaisquer outras razões de ordem econômica e social, o que se passa com a (in)segurança nos territórios populares do Rio de Janeiro deve ser creditado, antes de mais nada, aos silêncios e omissões de diferentes autoridades e instituições. Tal postura não deixa de revelar o quadro de fatalismo e perplexidade a que chegamos e não por acaso! Pois não há mesmo muito a se fazer com o modelo atual de segurança pública.

    Em face de uma trama social que se torna cada vez mais complexa, a verdade é que não há como insistir com respostas casuísticas, provisórias e crescentemente brutais, que sintomaticamente já não podem prescindir do apoio recorrente das Forças Armadas.

    Mas se é assim, que ao menos se reconheça, com honestidade, a necessidade de enfrentarmos um amplo debate sobre a reforma estrutural das instituições de segurança pública, a começar pelas polícias civil e militar. A cada dia, sua incompatibilidade com o projeto de democracia se mostra mais explícita.

    O sofrimento de quem convive diariamente sob a tortura da loteria dos tiroteios nos territórios populares não terá como ser reparado, mas ainda não é tarde demais para mobilizarmos energia para esse debate.

    No caso do Rio de Janeiro, o mínimo aceitável seria exigir que as autoridades, de um lado, contribuíssem para precipitar esta discussão e, de outro, interrompessem imediatamente a escalada do descalabro que elas vêm chancelando, movidas sabe-se lá por que tipo de cálculo.

     

    Adaptado a partir de: https://www.cartacapital.com.br/sociedade/a-indiferenca-com-a-violencia-nasfavelas-do-rio-de-janeiro /. Acesso em 10 de maio de 2018.

    Na constituição do gênero do TEXTO, há a predominância do tipo textual:
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão 922868b8-02
  • 92207C29-02

    Português

    Interpretação de Textos
    Centro Universitário de Volta Redonda · 2018FácilEntre para guardar nos favoritos

    A indiferença com a violência nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro

    O silêncio de autoridades e instituições revela o fatalismo de uma política de segurança pública falida

    Marcelo Baumann Burgo

     

    A rotina de tiroteios em diversas favelas do Rio de Janeiro tem por cenário um labirinto de casas recheadas de seres humanos, acuados e humilhados. O quadro ultrapassa as raias do absurdo, e nem os escritores do realismo mágico seriam capazes de imaginá-lo.

    O que mais surpreende, contudo, é o silêncio condescendente das autoridades e instituições cujo papel deveria ser o de, antes de qualquer outra coisa, zelar pelas garantias mínimas do direito à vida e integridade física dos cidadãos.

                Mas ao que tudo indica, para os moradores das favelas cariocas, nem mesmo esse aspecto elementar do pacto hobbesiano tem sido preservado, o que sugere que, para eles, a lei é a da barbárie. Na favela da Rocinha, por exemplo, desde setembro de 2017, a cada três dias pelo menos uma pessoa – incluindo policiais - morreu nesses confrontos.

    O primeiro e mais ensurdecedor silêncio é o do governador e das autoridades da segurança pública estaduais e federais. No máximo, se manifestam quando algum policial é morto no “campo de batalha”, para lamentar sua perda e reafirmar o “espírito de combate da tropa”.

    Diante desse silêncio deliberado, ficam no ar várias perguntas: como explicar o sentido de uma política de segurança que tem como efeito real a tortura diária da população das favelas, que se vê obrigada a conviver com um fogo cruzado intenso e aleatório? Quem realmente responde por ela, e pelas mortes e sofrimento que ela provoca? Onde se pretende chegar com isso? Quais as suas razões “técnicas”, se é que não é uma ofensa às vítimas formular essa pergunta? SILÊNCIO...

    Sob esse primeiro vácuo de respostas, há um segundo nível de silêncio, o das instituições que deveriam questionar as autoridades estaduais e federais. Cadê os poderes legislativos, que não criam um grupo suprapartidário de parlamentares para interpelar o governo? Neste caso, não vale alegar que estamos aguardando as próximas eleições para “fazer o debate”, pois o sofrimento é hoje, e a morte espreita diariamente a vida dessa população.

    E o Ministério Público, que não organiza uma força-tarefa para, tempestivamente, proteger a ordem jurídica escandalosamente violada, com a agressão de todo tipo aos direitos fundamentais dos cidadãos? SILÊNCIO...

    Sob essa segunda e espessa camada de silêncios, subsiste uma terceira igualmente decisiva, a da grande imprensa. Não que ela não faça a crônica diária dos tiroteios, mas em geral as faz descrevendo os fatos com aparente neutralidade, como se eles simplesmente fizessem parte da rotina, não dando sinais, portanto, de que reflete sobre o que significa informar, em uma mesma matéria, que três ou quatro pessoas morreram ou se feriram, e que a operação teve como saldo a apreensão de “um fuzil”, “dez trouxinhas de maconha”, e “alguns papelotes de cocaína”...

    Cadê os editoriais cobrando respostas das autoridades? Cadê o trabalho que, em outras áreas da vida pública, por exemplo na questão da corrupção, a grande imprensa faz com tanto zelo para mobilizar a opinião pública? No caso da rotina de tiroteios nas favelas o que parece resultar do trabalho da grande imprensa é o oposto da mobilização, ou seja, um efeito de resignação diante da violência ordinária.

    Restaria, ainda, a sociedade civil organizada. Cadê a OAB, CNBB, ABI, as universidades, associações de bairro, e tantas outras que se irmanaram na luta contra a ditadura? Para ser justo com elas, até esboçaram alguma reação, mas sem força para fazer diferença. Com isso, tudo se passa como se esse bangue-bangue diário e estúpido dissesse respeito apenas aos moradores das favelas. Será que devemos esperar que somente eles se mobilizem?

    Como se vê, para além de quaisquer outras razões de ordem econômica e social, o que se passa com a (in)segurança nos territórios populares do Rio de Janeiro deve ser creditado, antes de mais nada, aos silêncios e omissões de diferentes autoridades e instituições. Tal postura não deixa de revelar o quadro de fatalismo e perplexidade a que chegamos e não por acaso! Pois não há mesmo muito a se fazer com o modelo atual de segurança pública.

    Em face de uma trama social que se torna cada vez mais complexa, a verdade é que não há como insistir com respostas casuísticas, provisórias e crescentemente brutais, que sintomaticamente já não podem prescindir do apoio recorrente das Forças Armadas.

    Mas se é assim, que ao menos se reconheça, com honestidade, a necessidade de enfrentarmos um amplo debate sobre a reforma estrutural das instituições de segurança pública, a começar pelas polícias civil e militar. A cada dia, sua incompatibilidade com o projeto de democracia se mostra mais explícita.

    O sofrimento de quem convive diariamente sob a tortura da loteria dos tiroteios nos territórios populares não terá como ser reparado, mas ainda não é tarde demais para mobilizarmos energia para esse debate.

    No caso do Rio de Janeiro, o mínimo aceitável seria exigir que as autoridades, de um lado, contribuíssem para precipitar esta discussão e, de outro, interrompessem imediatamente a escalada do descalabro que elas vêm chancelando, movidas sabe-se lá por que tipo de cálculo.

     

    Adaptado a partir de: https://www.cartacapital.com.br/sociedade/a-indiferenca-com-a-violencia-nasfavelas-do-rio-de-janeiro /. Acesso em 10 de maio de 2018.

    Pode-se afirmar que o principal objetivo do TEXTO é:
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão 92207c29-02
  • B054E5F1-02

    Português

    Interpretação de Textos
    UEA · 2018FácilEntre para guardar nos favoritos

    Leia os versos do poema “Os estatutos do homem”, de Thiago de Mello, para responder à questão.


    Artigo 12

    Decreta-se que nada será obrigado nem proibido.

    Tudo será permitido,

    sobretudo brincar com os rinocerontes

    e caminhar pelas tardes

    com uma imensa begônia na lapela.

    (Estatutos do homem, 1986.)

    No poema, expressam uma regra geral e um exemplo dessa regra, respectivamente,
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão b054e5f1-02
  • B04C05B4-02

    Português

    Coesão e coerência
    UEA · 2018FácilEntre para guardar nos favoritos

    Considere o trecho do romance O quinze, de Rachel de Queiroz, para responder à questão.


    Armado com um cartãozinho do bispo e um bilhete particular de Conceição à senhora que administrava o serviço, Chico Bento conseguiu obter o ambicionado lugar no açude do Tauape.

     No bilhete, a moça fazia o possível para comover a destinatária; e a senhora, apesar de já se ter habituado a esses pedidos que falavam sempre numa mesma pobreza extrema e em criancinhas famintas, achou jeito de desentulhar uma pá, e ela mesma guiou o vaqueiro aturdido, com seu ferro na mão, e o entregou ao feitor.

    Duramente Chico Bento trabalhou todo o dia no serviço da barragem.

    Só de longe em longe parava para tomar um fôlego, sentindo o pobre peito cansado e os músculos vadios.

    E o almoço, ao meio-dia, onde, junto do pirão, um naco de carne cheiroso emergia, mal o soergueu e o animou.

    Já era tão antiga, tão bem instalada a sua fome, para fugir assim, diante do primeiro prato de feijão, da primeira lasca de carne!…   


     

    (O quinze, 2009.)

    “E o almoço, ao meio-dia, onde, junto do pirão, um naco de carne cheiroso emergia, mal o soergueu e o animou.” (5º parágrafo)

    Os pronomes sublinhados retomam o sentido de:
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão b04c05b4-02
  • B0492E3F-02

    Português

    Interpretação de Textos
    UEA · 2018FácilEntre para guardar nos favoritos

    Considere o trecho do romance O quinze, de Rachel de Queiroz, para responder à questão.


    Armado com um cartãozinho do bispo e um bilhete particular de Conceição à senhora que administrava o serviço, Chico Bento conseguiu obter o ambicionado lugar no açude do Tauape.

     No bilhete, a moça fazia o possível para comover a destinatária; e a senhora, apesar de já se ter habituado a esses pedidos que falavam sempre numa mesma pobreza extrema e em criancinhas famintas, achou jeito de desentulhar uma pá, e ela mesma guiou o vaqueiro aturdido, com seu ferro na mão, e o entregou ao feitor.

    Duramente Chico Bento trabalhou todo o dia no serviço da barragem.

    Só de longe em longe parava para tomar um fôlego, sentindo o pobre peito cansado e os músculos vadios.

    E o almoço, ao meio-dia, onde, junto do pirão, um naco de carne cheiroso emergia, mal o soergueu e o animou.

    Já era tão antiga, tão bem instalada a sua fome, para fugir assim, diante do primeiro prato de feijão, da primeira lasca de carne!…   


     

    (O quinze, 2009.)

    No trecho selecionado, a palavra “armado” (1º parágrafo)
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão b0492e3f-02
  • B04586A9-02

    Português

    Interpretação de Textos
    UEA · 2018FácilEntre para guardar nos favoritos

    Considere o trecho do romance O quinze, de Rachel de Queiroz, para responder à questão.


    Armado com um cartãozinho do bispo e um bilhete particular de Conceição à senhora que administrava o serviço, Chico Bento conseguiu obter o ambicionado lugar no açude do Tauape.

     No bilhete, a moça fazia o possível para comover a destinatária; e a senhora, apesar de já se ter habituado a esses pedidos que falavam sempre numa mesma pobreza extrema e em criancinhas famintas, achou jeito de desentulhar uma pá, e ela mesma guiou o vaqueiro aturdido, com seu ferro na mão, e o entregou ao feitor.

    Duramente Chico Bento trabalhou todo o dia no serviço da barragem.

    Só de longe em longe parava para tomar um fôlego, sentindo o pobre peito cansado e os músculos vadios.

    E o almoço, ao meio-dia, onde, junto do pirão, um naco de carne cheiroso emergia, mal o soergueu e o animou.

    Já era tão antiga, tão bem instalada a sua fome, para fugir assim, diante do primeiro prato de feijão, da primeira lasca de carne!…   


     

    (O quinze, 2009.)

    No romance O quinze, Chico Bento é
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão b04586a9-02
  • B0424820-02

    Português

    Regência
    UEA · 2018MédioEntre para guardar nos favoritos

    Considere o poema de Chacal para responder à questão.


    Beijo beijos


    qual o sentido da palavra beijo?

    ato de tocar com os lábios em alguém

    ou alguma coisa, fazendo leve sucção; ósculo?

    ou aquele que o cauã reymond deu na mariana

    ximenes na novela?

    ou aquele que você deu no daniel que só você sentiu?

    que é diferente do que eu dei na dolores que nunca

    vou esquecer.

    já a gabi, sempre que sai de casa, dá em sua mãe

    um beijo automático

    parecido com os dois beijos de cumprimento que eu

    dou numa garota

    se estiver no rio, um em são paulo ou três em minas

    gerais.

    diferente ainda do beijo de despedida apaixonado que

    você deu no julinho

    quando ele foi para a austrália

    diferente do derradeiro beijo no leito de morte que o

    luís deu na laís, sua avó

    ou do beijo da traição de judas ou do beijo que a

    princesa deu no sapo.

    diante de tantos sentidos diferentes da palavra beijo,

    a melhor forma de saber o que significa é ir direto ao

    assunto:

    língua pra que te quero!

    (Murundum, 2012.)

    Em “a melhor forma de saber o que significa é ir direto ao assunto”, o termo sublinhado é um verbo 
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão b0424820-02
  • EC5EA916-01

    Português

    Interpretação de Textos
    UEA · 2018FácilEntre para guardar nos favoritos
    Considere o texto de Rodrigo Duarte para responder à questão. 

         Um dos aspectos mais óbvios de nossa realidade – amplamente difundido em todo o mundo contemporâneo – é a divisão do tempo de cada um numa parte dedicada ao trabalho e noutra dedicada ao lazer. Mas essa realidade atual, por mais evidente que seja para nós, não deveria nos levar à crença enganosa de que terá sido sempre assim: a divisão entre tempo de trabalho e tempo livre – inexistente na Idade Média e no período que a sucedeu imediatamente – se consolidou apenas com o amadurecimento do modo de produção capitalista, isto é, após a chamada Revolução Industrial, que eliminou o trabalho produtivo realizado nas próprias casas dos trabalhadores (quase sempre com o auxílio de suas famílias), limitando as atividades à grande indústria: um estabelecimento exclusivamente dedicado à produção por meio de maquinário pesado, concentrando massas de operários em turnos de trabalhos previamente estabelecidos.
        Na Idade Média, por um lado, a aristocracia, mesmo não tendo necessidade de se dedicar a qualquer trabalho produtivo, reservava para si atividades que, não obstante seu caráter socialmente obrigatório, eram também consideradas prazerosas. Os bailes e jantares, as festas e os concertos, as caçadas e a frequência às óperas eram parte integrante da vida cortesã e nobre. 
        Por outro lado, o horizonte vital das classes servis – e possivelmente também da burguesia em sua fase inicial – era dado pelo trabalho de sol a sol, com pouquíssimo tempo que extrapolasse a produção material. Esse exíguo período antes do sono preparador para a próxima jornada de trabalho, embora não deva ser entendido como tempo de lazer no sentido moderno do termo, provavelmente constituía o momento coletivo de se cantar e narrar, tempo que servia, ao mesmo tempo, como pretexto e elemento aglutinador para a comida e a bebida em comum.
    (Indústria cultural: uma introdução, 2010.)
    “um estabelecimento exclusivamente dedicado à produção por meio de maquinário pesado, concentrando massas de operários em turnos de trabalhos previamente estabelecidos” (1° parágrafo)

    O termo sublinhado, no contexto em que está inserido, indica que se trata de
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão ec5ea916-01
  • EC4BD4A1-01

    Português

    Interpretação de Textos
    UEA · 2018MédioEntre para guardar nos favoritos
    Considere o trecho do romance O quinze, de Rachel de Queiroz, para responder à questão. 

        Armado com um cartãozinho do bispo e um bilhete particular de Conceição à senhora que administrava o serviço, Chico Bento conseguiu obter o ambicionado lugar no açude do Tauape.
        No bilhete, a moça fazia o possível para comover a destinatária; e a senhora, apesar de já se ter habituado a esses pedidos que falavam sempre numa mesma pobreza extrema e em criancinhas famintas, achou jeito de desentulhar uma pá, e ela mesma guiou o vaqueiro aturdido, com seu ferro na mão, e o entregou ao feitor.
         Duramente Chico Bento trabalhou todo o dia no serviço da barragem.
        Só de longe em longe parava para tomar um fôlego, sentindo o pobre peito cansado e os músculos vadios.
       E o almoço, ao meio-dia, onde, junto do pirão, um naco de carne cheiroso emergia, mal o soergueu e o animou.
      Já era tão antiga, tão bem instalada a sua fome, para fugir assim, diante do primeiro prato de feijão, da primeira lasca de carne!…
    (O quinze, 2009.)
    No trecho selecionado, a palavra “armado” (1° parágrafo)
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão ec4bd4a1-01
  • 4D544213-FD

    Inglês

    Preposições | Prepositions
    Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing · 2018MédioEntre para guardar nos favoritos
        Theodor Seuss “Ted” Geisel was an American author, political cartoonist, poet, animator, book publisher, and artist, best known for authoring more than 60 children’s books under the pen name Doctor Seuss (abbreviated Dr. Seuss). As World War II began, he turned to political cartoons, drawing over 400 in two years as editorial cartoonist for the left-leaning New York City daily newspaper. He strongly supports US entry into the war. This is one of his creations from 1941:

    Imagem da questão de Inglês, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing 2018, Preposições | Prepositions
    The use of the prepositions “up” and “out” after “chewed” and "spit" change the original meanings of the verbs. With them, the new meaning:
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão 4d544213-fd
  • 4D510432-FD

    Inglês

    Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
    Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing · 2018DifícilEntre para guardar nos favoritos
        Theodor Seuss “Ted” Geisel was an American author, political cartoonist, poet, animator, book publisher, and artist, best known for authoring more than 60 children’s books under the pen name Doctor Seuss (abbreviated Dr. Seuss). As World War II began, he turned to political cartoons, drawing over 400 in two years as editorial cartoonist for the left-leaning New York City daily newspaper. He strongly supports US entry into the war. This is one of his creations from 1941:

    Imagem da questão de Inglês, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing 2018, Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
    The cartoon:
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão 4d510432-fd
  • 4D4DEECB-FD

    Inglês

    Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
    Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing · 2018DifícilEntre para guardar nos favoritos

    Beyonce, colorism, and why all of this needs to end


    by Ernest Owens


        Yes, the Super Bowl was on fire. As one who is very critical of halftime show performances, I cannot deny that Beyoncé brought the energy and attention. All of this led to her releasing her tour dates for the Mrs. Carter Show. As excited as I was to actually buy these tickets, something turned me off. The poster.


    Imagem da questão de Inglês, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing 2018, Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension


       If you haven’t seen the photographs for Beyonce’s new world tour, you probably wouldn’t even recognize her. You will see an image of what looks like a Victorian white woman in the Elizabethan era. Her (prosthetic) blonde hair puffed and extended to reveal a face that is almost as white as snow. Lips red and her skin powdered. This is not the same bronze Beyonce that I saw rocking the stage in an all female band with her darker Destiny’s Child counterparts. I was only left with memories of previous patterns that the multi-Grammy award winning artist had done in previous years in regards to her skin. And I asked myself the question: why, Bey?

         Let’s not act like this is something new. Over the years, it seems as though Beyonce has gotten lighter as she has gotten older. No, this is not genetics and let’s not pretend her skin color in her first Destiny’s Child album cover matches that of her latest album. Whether it is that highly controversial Revlon advertisement or her own album cover art, Beyonce has consistently been called out on alterations done to her pigments.

        What does this say about our society for black women? It tells me that, an independent, confident and successful woman of color still struggles to have the confidence to fully embrace the skin she is in. If one of the most powerful women in entertainment feels she has to lighten her skin for projection, what does that say for the rest of us?

        Believe it or not, colorism, the stigma associated with skin complexion, has been an ill that has not yet been dissolved by the black community. What was first given to us by slave masters in separating the house slaves from the field ones, has now taken place in how we objectify our women and each other.

        This is pretty problematic in many ways. It’s first of all self-loathing and unnecessary for today’s times. The fact that our nation had an African-American first lady with a complexion that isn’t on the lighter side of the spectrum, nor does it try to be, shows a compelling advancement in appreciation for all women of color in many ways.

         Furthermore, the only reason why such stigma in our country continues is contributed to our own behavior that is shaped by the influential people of color around us. It devastated me when I saw that Sammy Sosa had lightened his skin. As successful as he was in a field that was not necessarily fixated on male skin complexion, it saddened me to see him do it. In many ways, it even made me reflect back on the transition of the late great Michael Jackson and what explanations he had for such a more pale white appearance.

        And why does all of this matter? Because I grew up hearing stories of young dark black girls getting their faces scrubbed with skin lightening soaps out of their free will. Tales of young women being abandoned by their mothers because they were too dark.

        If this is the reality that had more implications back in the early 20th century than it does now, please stop it. Stop trying to explain why you are dating the ebony skin girl. Stop making it seem exceptional that a girl of a darker complexion is actually attractive. Celebrities, stop putting extraneous powders and lighteners on your skin: we all know what you used to look like and we still love you. And people of color: let’s not continue to perpetuate an oppressive cycle of self-loathing of our appearance and heritage. If this can be accomplished, then perhaps even in our own race we can truly make our lives not be judged by the color of our skin but by the content of our character.


    (adapted from www.huffingtonpost.com, 14/02/2013)

    The pronoun “it” in the phrase “nor does it try to be”, bold faced, in paragraph 6 refers to:
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão 4d4deecb-fd
  • 4D4A505A-FD

    Inglês

    Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
    Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing · 2018FácilEntre para guardar nos favoritos

    Beyonce, colorism, and why all of this needs to end


    by Ernest Owens


        Yes, the Super Bowl was on fire. As one who is very critical of halftime show performances, I cannot deny that Beyoncé brought the energy and attention. All of this led to her releasing her tour dates for the Mrs. Carter Show. As excited as I was to actually buy these tickets, something turned me off. The poster.


    Imagem da questão de Inglês, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing 2018, Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension


       If you haven’t seen the photographs for Beyonce’s new world tour, you probably wouldn’t even recognize her. You will see an image of what looks like a Victorian white woman in the Elizabethan era. Her (prosthetic) blonde hair puffed and extended to reveal a face that is almost as white as snow. Lips red and her skin powdered. This is not the same bronze Beyonce that I saw rocking the stage in an all female band with her darker Destiny’s Child counterparts. I was only left with memories of previous patterns that the multi-Grammy award winning artist had done in previous years in regards to her skin. And I asked myself the question: why, Bey?

         Let’s not act like this is something new. Over the years, it seems as though Beyonce has gotten lighter as she has gotten older. No, this is not genetics and let’s not pretend her skin color in her first Destiny’s Child album cover matches that of her latest album. Whether it is that highly controversial Revlon advertisement or her own album cover art, Beyonce has consistently been called out on alterations done to her pigments.

        What does this say about our society for black women? It tells me that, an independent, confident and successful woman of color still struggles to have the confidence to fully embrace the skin she is in. If one of the most powerful women in entertainment feels she has to lighten her skin for projection, what does that say for the rest of us?

        Believe it or not, colorism, the stigma associated with skin complexion, has been an ill that has not yet been dissolved by the black community. What was first given to us by slave masters in separating the house slaves from the field ones, has now taken place in how we objectify our women and each other.

        This is pretty problematic in many ways. It’s first of all self-loathing and unnecessary for today’s times. The fact that our nation had an African-American first lady with a complexion that isn’t on the lighter side of the spectrum, nor does it try to be, shows a compelling advancement in appreciation for all women of color in many ways.

         Furthermore, the only reason why such stigma in our country continues is contributed to our own behavior that is shaped by the influential people of color around us. It devastated me when I saw that Sammy Sosa had lightened his skin. As successful as he was in a field that was not necessarily fixated on male skin complexion, it saddened me to see him do it. In many ways, it even made me reflect back on the transition of the late great Michael Jackson and what explanations he had for such a more pale white appearance.

        And why does all of this matter? Because I grew up hearing stories of young dark black girls getting their faces scrubbed with skin lightening soaps out of their free will. Tales of young women being abandoned by their mothers because they were too dark.

        If this is the reality that had more implications back in the early 20th century than it does now, please stop it. Stop trying to explain why you are dating the ebony skin girl. Stop making it seem exceptional that a girl of a darker complexion is actually attractive. Celebrities, stop putting extraneous powders and lighteners on your skin: we all know what you used to look like and we still love you. And people of color: let’s not continue to perpetuate an oppressive cycle of self-loathing of our appearance and heritage. If this can be accomplished, then perhaps even in our own race we can truly make our lives not be judged by the color of our skin but by the content of our character.


    (adapted from www.huffingtonpost.com, 14/02/2013)

    According the article:
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão 4d4a505a-fd
  • 4D46E6A4-FD

    Inglês

    Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
    Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing · 2018DifícilEntre para guardar nos favoritos

    Beyonce, colorism, and why all of this needs to end


    by Ernest Owens


        Yes, the Super Bowl was on fire. As one who is very critical of halftime show performances, I cannot deny that Beyoncé brought the energy and attention. All of this led to her releasing her tour dates for the Mrs. Carter Show. As excited as I was to actually buy these tickets, something turned me off. The poster.


    Imagem da questão de Inglês, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing 2018, Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension


       If you haven’t seen the photographs for Beyonce’s new world tour, you probably wouldn’t even recognize her. You will see an image of what looks like a Victorian white woman in the Elizabethan era. Her (prosthetic) blonde hair puffed and extended to reveal a face that is almost as white as snow. Lips red and her skin powdered. This is not the same bronze Beyonce that I saw rocking the stage in an all female band with her darker Destiny’s Child counterparts. I was only left with memories of previous patterns that the multi-Grammy award winning artist had done in previous years in regards to her skin. And I asked myself the question: why, Bey?

         Let’s not act like this is something new. Over the years, it seems as though Beyonce has gotten lighter as she has gotten older. No, this is not genetics and let’s not pretend her skin color in her first Destiny’s Child album cover matches that of her latest album. Whether it is that highly controversial Revlon advertisement or her own album cover art, Beyonce has consistently been called out on alterations done to her pigments.

        What does this say about our society for black women? It tells me that, an independent, confident and successful woman of color still struggles to have the confidence to fully embrace the skin she is in. If one of the most powerful women in entertainment feels she has to lighten her skin for projection, what does that say for the rest of us?

        Believe it or not, colorism, the stigma associated with skin complexion, has been an ill that has not yet been dissolved by the black community. What was first given to us by slave masters in separating the house slaves from the field ones, has now taken place in how we objectify our women and each other.

        This is pretty problematic in many ways. It’s first of all self-loathing and unnecessary for today’s times. The fact that our nation had an African-American first lady with a complexion that isn’t on the lighter side of the spectrum, nor does it try to be, shows a compelling advancement in appreciation for all women of color in many ways.

         Furthermore, the only reason why such stigma in our country continues is contributed to our own behavior that is shaped by the influential people of color around us. It devastated me when I saw that Sammy Sosa had lightened his skin. As successful as he was in a field that was not necessarily fixated on male skin complexion, it saddened me to see him do it. In many ways, it even made me reflect back on the transition of the late great Michael Jackson and what explanations he had for such a more pale white appearance.

        And why does all of this matter? Because I grew up hearing stories of young dark black girls getting their faces scrubbed with skin lightening soaps out of their free will. Tales of young women being abandoned by their mothers because they were too dark.

        If this is the reality that had more implications back in the early 20th century than it does now, please stop it. Stop trying to explain why you are dating the ebony skin girl. Stop making it seem exceptional that a girl of a darker complexion is actually attractive. Celebrities, stop putting extraneous powders and lighteners on your skin: we all know what you used to look like and we still love you. And people of color: let’s not continue to perpetuate an oppressive cycle of self-loathing of our appearance and heritage. If this can be accomplished, then perhaps even in our own race we can truly make our lives not be judged by the color of our skin but by the content of our character.


    (adapted from www.huffingtonpost.com, 14/02/2013)

    The author of the article criticizes the fact that the producers:
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão 4d46e6a4-fd
  • 4D433AC4-FD

    Inglês

    Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
    Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing · 2018DifícilEntre para guardar nos favoritos

    Beyonce, colorism, and why all of this needs to end


    by Ernest Owens


        Yes, the Super Bowl was on fire. As one who is very critical of halftime show performances, I cannot deny that Beyoncé brought the energy and attention. All of this led to her releasing her tour dates for the Mrs. Carter Show. As excited as I was to actually buy these tickets, something turned me off. The poster.


    Imagem da questão de Inglês, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing 2018, Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension


       If you haven’t seen the photographs for Beyonce’s new world tour, you probably wouldn’t even recognize her. You will see an image of what looks like a Victorian white woman in the Elizabethan era. Her (prosthetic) blonde hair puffed and extended to reveal a face that is almost as white as snow. Lips red and her skin powdered. This is not the same bronze Beyonce that I saw rocking the stage in an all female band with her darker Destiny’s Child counterparts. I was only left with memories of previous patterns that the multi-Grammy award winning artist had done in previous years in regards to her skin. And I asked myself the question: why, Bey?

         Let’s not act like this is something new. Over the years, it seems as though Beyonce has gotten lighter as she has gotten older. No, this is not genetics and let’s not pretend her skin color in her first Destiny’s Child album cover matches that of her latest album. Whether it is that highly controversial Revlon advertisement or her own album cover art, Beyonce has consistently been called out on alterations done to her pigments.

        What does this say about our society for black women? It tells me that, an independent, confident and successful woman of color still struggles to have the confidence to fully embrace the skin she is in. If one of the most powerful women in entertainment feels she has to lighten her skin for projection, what does that say for the rest of us?

        Believe it or not, colorism, the stigma associated with skin complexion, has been an ill that has not yet been dissolved by the black community. What was first given to us by slave masters in separating the house slaves from the field ones, has now taken place in how we objectify our women and each other.

        This is pretty problematic in many ways. It’s first of all self-loathing and unnecessary for today’s times. The fact that our nation had an African-American first lady with a complexion that isn’t on the lighter side of the spectrum, nor does it try to be, shows a compelling advancement in appreciation for all women of color in many ways.

         Furthermore, the only reason why such stigma in our country continues is contributed to our own behavior that is shaped by the influential people of color around us. It devastated me when I saw that Sammy Sosa had lightened his skin. As successful as he was in a field that was not necessarily fixated on male skin complexion, it saddened me to see him do it. In many ways, it even made me reflect back on the transition of the late great Michael Jackson and what explanations he had for such a more pale white appearance.

        And why does all of this matter? Because I grew up hearing stories of young dark black girls getting their faces scrubbed with skin lightening soaps out of their free will. Tales of young women being abandoned by their mothers because they were too dark.

        If this is the reality that had more implications back in the early 20th century than it does now, please stop it. Stop trying to explain why you are dating the ebony skin girl. Stop making it seem exceptional that a girl of a darker complexion is actually attractive. Celebrities, stop putting extraneous powders and lighteners on your skin: we all know what you used to look like and we still love you. And people of color: let’s not continue to perpetuate an oppressive cycle of self-loathing of our appearance and heritage. If this can be accomplished, then perhaps even in our own race we can truly make our lives not be judged by the color of our skin but by the content of our character.


    (adapted from www.huffingtonpost.com, 14/02/2013)

    The author of the article:
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão 4d433ac4-fd
  • 4D4059CB-FD

    Inglês

    Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
    Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing · 2018DifícilEntre para guardar nos favoritos
    How James Brown Made Black Pride a Hit

    It’s been 50 years since he wrote “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud,” a song that is still necessary.

    By Randall Kennedy

       In the gym at Paul Junior High School in Washington, D.C., in the spring of 1968, not that long before the assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., I asked a buddy whether he was interested in a certain girl. He told me that he was not because she was too dark.

    Imagem da questão de Inglês, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing 2018, Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
       
       He and I were African-American. (Then we would have called ourselves Negro.) So was she. All of us supported the Civil Rights Movement and idolized Dr. King, yet I did not hold my friend’s colorstruck judgment against him. And he did not state his opinion with embarrassment. We had both internalized our society’s derogation of blackness.
        Indeed, we luxuriated in the denigration, spending hours trading silly, recycled but revealing insults: “Yo mama so black, she blend in with the chalkboard.” “Yeah, well, yo mama so black, she sweats chocolate.”
       It was precisely because of widespread colorism that James Brown’s anthem “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud” posed a challenge, felt so exhilarating, and resonated so powerfully. It still does. Much has changed over the past half century. But, alas, the need to defend blackness against derision continues.
        Various musicians in the 1960s tapped into yearnings for black assertiveness, autonomy and solidarity. Curtis Mayfield and the Impressions sang “We’re a Winner.” Sly and the Family Stone offered “Stand.” Sam Cooke (and Aretha Franklin and Otis Redding) performed “A Change is Gonna Come.” But no entertainer equaled Brown’s vocalization of African-Americans’ newly triumphal sense of self-acceptance.
       That Brown created the song most popularly associated with the Black is Beautiful movement is ironic. He generally stayed away from protest, endorsed the presidential re-election of Richard Nixon, lavishly praised Ronald Reagan, and consistently lauded Strom Thurmond.
       His infrequent sallies into politics usually sounded in patriotic, lift-yourselfup-ism. In the song “America is My Home,” he proclaimed without embarrassment that the United States “is still the best country / And that’s without a doubt.” Alluding to his own trajectory, he challenged dissenters to name any other country in which a person could start out as a poor shoeshine boy but end up as a wealthy celebrity shaking hands with the president.
       At the very time that in “Say It Loud,” Brown seemed to be affirming Negritude, he also sported a “conk” — a distinctive hairdo that involved chemically removing kinkiness on the way to creating a bouffant of straightened hair. Many AfricanAmerican political activists, especially those with a black nationalist orientation, decried the conk as an illustration of racial self-hatred. For a brief period, Brown abandoned the conk and adopted an Afro, but that was only temporary. The conk was part of the characteristic look of “The Godfather of Soul.”
       Even though by 1968 uprisings against white supremacism had been erupting for a decade with great intensity and success — the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the Children’s’ Crusade in Birmingham, the protest against disenfranchisement in Selma — prejudice against blackness remained prevalent, including among African-Americans.
       Champions of African-American uplift in the 1960s sought to liberate blackness from the layers of contempt, fear, and hatred with which it had been smeared for centuries. Brown’s anthem poignantly reflected the psychic problem it sought to address. People secure in their status don’t feel compelled to trumpet their pride. At the same time “Say it Loud!” was a rousing instance of a reclamation that took many forms. Instead of celebrating light skin, thin lips, and “good” (i.e., straight) hair, increasing numbers of African-Americans began valorizing dark skin, thick lips and “bad” (i.e., kinky) hair.
        The reclamation of blackness in the sixties made tremendous headway quickly. By 1970 my friend would not have dared to repeat out loud what he had told me unapologetically two years before. Here, as elsewhere, however, changes wrought by the black liberation movement, though impressive, were only partial. Nearly four decades after the release of “Say It Loud,” Professors Jennifer Hochschild and Vesla Weaver, having synthesized the pertinent academic literature, declared authoritatively that compared to their lighter-skinned counterparts, dark-skinned blacks continue to be burdened by lower levels of education, income, and job status. They receive longer prison sentences and are less likely to own homes or to marry. Filmmakers, advertisers, modeling agencies, dating websites and other key gatekeepers demonstrate repeatedly the ongoing pertinence of the old saw: If you’re black get back. If you’re brown, stick around. If you’re white you’re alright.
          Intraracial colorism in Black America is often seen as a topic that should, if possible, be avoided, especially in “mixed company.” That sense of embarrassment three decades ago prompted officials at Morehouse College to demand that Spike Lee cease filming on campus once they learned that his movie was exposing, among other things, black collegiate colorism. The impulse toward avoidance remains strong.
        With racial prejudice against all African-Americans still a potent force, many would just as soon ditch the discussion of “black on black” complexional bias. Colorism, however, remains a baleful reality.
       Half a century after James Brown’s proclamation, it remains imperative to assert what should have been assumed and uncontroversial all along: that black is beautiful and as worthy of pride and care and consideration as any other hue.

    (Adapted from: www.nytimes.com, 20/07/2018)
    As of late 1960s, after the release of “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud”:
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão 4d4059cb-fd
  • 4D3D69AD-FD

    Inglês

    Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
    Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing · 2018DifícilEntre para guardar nos favoritos
    How James Brown Made Black Pride a Hit

    It’s been 50 years since he wrote “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud,” a song that is still necessary.

    By Randall Kennedy

       In the gym at Paul Junior High School in Washington, D.C., in the spring of 1968, not that long before the assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., I asked a buddy whether he was interested in a certain girl. He told me that he was not because she was too dark.

    Imagem da questão de Inglês, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing 2018, Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
       
       He and I were African-American. (Then we would have called ourselves Negro.) So was she. All of us supported the Civil Rights Movement and idolized Dr. King, yet I did not hold my friend’s colorstruck judgment against him. And he did not state his opinion with embarrassment. We had both internalized our society’s derogation of blackness.
        Indeed, we luxuriated in the denigration, spending hours trading silly, recycled but revealing insults: “Yo mama so black, she blend in with the chalkboard.” “Yeah, well, yo mama so black, she sweats chocolate.”
       It was precisely because of widespread colorism that James Brown’s anthem “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud” posed a challenge, felt so exhilarating, and resonated so powerfully. It still does. Much has changed over the past half century. But, alas, the need to defend blackness against derision continues.
        Various musicians in the 1960s tapped into yearnings for black assertiveness, autonomy and solidarity. Curtis Mayfield and the Impressions sang “We’re a Winner.” Sly and the Family Stone offered “Stand.” Sam Cooke (and Aretha Franklin and Otis Redding) performed “A Change is Gonna Come.” But no entertainer equaled Brown’s vocalization of African-Americans’ newly triumphal sense of self-acceptance.
       That Brown created the song most popularly associated with the Black is Beautiful movement is ironic. He generally stayed away from protest, endorsed the presidential re-election of Richard Nixon, lavishly praised Ronald Reagan, and consistently lauded Strom Thurmond.
       His infrequent sallies into politics usually sounded in patriotic, lift-yourselfup-ism. In the song “America is My Home,” he proclaimed without embarrassment that the United States “is still the best country / And that’s without a doubt.” Alluding to his own trajectory, he challenged dissenters to name any other country in which a person could start out as a poor shoeshine boy but end up as a wealthy celebrity shaking hands with the president.
       At the very time that in “Say It Loud,” Brown seemed to be affirming Negritude, he also sported a “conk” — a distinctive hairdo that involved chemically removing kinkiness on the way to creating a bouffant of straightened hair. Many AfricanAmerican political activists, especially those with a black nationalist orientation, decried the conk as an illustration of racial self-hatred. For a brief period, Brown abandoned the conk and adopted an Afro, but that was only temporary. The conk was part of the characteristic look of “The Godfather of Soul.”
       Even though by 1968 uprisings against white supremacism had been erupting for a decade with great intensity and success — the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the Children’s’ Crusade in Birmingham, the protest against disenfranchisement in Selma — prejudice against blackness remained prevalent, including among African-Americans.
       Champions of African-American uplift in the 1960s sought to liberate blackness from the layers of contempt, fear, and hatred with which it had been smeared for centuries. Brown’s anthem poignantly reflected the psychic problem it sought to address. People secure in their status don’t feel compelled to trumpet their pride. At the same time “Say it Loud!” was a rousing instance of a reclamation that took many forms. Instead of celebrating light skin, thin lips, and “good” (i.e., straight) hair, increasing numbers of African-Americans began valorizing dark skin, thick lips and “bad” (i.e., kinky) hair.
        The reclamation of blackness in the sixties made tremendous headway quickly. By 1970 my friend would not have dared to repeat out loud what he had told me unapologetically two years before. Here, as elsewhere, however, changes wrought by the black liberation movement, though impressive, were only partial. Nearly four decades after the release of “Say It Loud,” Professors Jennifer Hochschild and Vesla Weaver, having synthesized the pertinent academic literature, declared authoritatively that compared to their lighter-skinned counterparts, dark-skinned blacks continue to be burdened by lower levels of education, income, and job status. They receive longer prison sentences and are less likely to own homes or to marry. Filmmakers, advertisers, modeling agencies, dating websites and other key gatekeepers demonstrate repeatedly the ongoing pertinence of the old saw: If you’re black get back. If you’re brown, stick around. If you’re white you’re alright.
          Intraracial colorism in Black America is often seen as a topic that should, if possible, be avoided, especially in “mixed company.” That sense of embarrassment three decades ago prompted officials at Morehouse College to demand that Spike Lee cease filming on campus once they learned that his movie was exposing, among other things, black collegiate colorism. The impulse toward avoidance remains strong.
        With racial prejudice against all African-Americans still a potent force, many would just as soon ditch the discussion of “black on black” complexional bias. Colorism, however, remains a baleful reality.
       Half a century after James Brown’s proclamation, it remains imperative to assert what should have been assumed and uncontroversial all along: that black is beautiful and as worthy of pride and care and consideration as any other hue.

    (Adapted from: www.nytimes.com, 20/07/2018)
    The text mentions a certain paradox in Brown’s attitudes. This is because:
    Escolha uma alternativa para a questão 4d3d69ad-fd
  • 4D3A8C71-FD

    Inglês

    Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
    Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing · 2018MédioEntre para guardar nos favoritos
    How James Brown Made Black Pride a Hit

    It’s been 50 years since he wrote “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud,” a song that is still necessary.

    By Randall Kennedy

       In the gym at Paul Junior High School in Washington, D.C., in the spring of 1968, not that long before the assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., I asked a buddy whether he was interested in a certain girl. He told me that he was not because she was too dark.

    Imagem da questão de Inglês, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing 2018, Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
       
       He and I were African-American. (Then we would have called ourselves Negro.) So was she. All of us supported the Civil Rights Movement and idolized Dr. King, yet I did not hold my friend’s colorstruck judgment against him. And he did not state his opinion with embarrassment. We had both internalized our society’s derogation of blackness.
        Indeed, we luxuriated in the denigration, spending hours trading silly, recycled but revealing insults: “Yo mama so black, she blend in with the chalkboard.” “Yeah, well, yo mama so black, she sweats chocolate.”
       It was precisely because of widespread colorism that James Brown’s anthem “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud” posed a challenge, felt so exhilarating, and resonated so powerfully. It still does. Much has changed over the past half century. But, alas, the need to defend blackness against derision continues.
        Various musicians in the 1960s tapped into yearnings for black assertiveness, autonomy and solidarity. Curtis Mayfield and the Impressions sang “We’re a Winner.” Sly and the Family Stone offered “Stand.” Sam Cooke (and Aretha Franklin and Otis Redding) performed “A Change is Gonna Come.” But no entertainer equaled Brown’s vocalization of African-Americans’ newly triumphal sense of self-acceptance.
       That Brown created the song most popularly associated with the Black is Beautiful movement is ironic. He generally stayed away from protest, endorsed the presidential re-election of Richard Nixon, lavishly praised Ronald Reagan, and consistently lauded Strom Thurmond.
       His infrequent sallies into politics usually sounded in patriotic, lift-yourselfup-ism. In the song “America is My Home,” he proclaimed without embarrassment that the United States “is still the best country / And that’s without a doubt.” Alluding to his own trajectory, he challenged dissenters to name any other country in which a person could start out as a poor shoeshine boy but end up as a wealthy celebrity shaking hands with the president.
       At the very time that in “Say It Loud,” Brown seemed to be affirming Negritude, he also sported a “conk” — a distinctive hairdo that involved chemically removing kinkiness on the way to creating a bouffant of straightened hair. Many AfricanAmerican political activists, especially those with a black nationalist orientation, decried the conk as an illustration of racial self-hatred. For a brief period, Brown abandoned the conk and adopted an Afro, but that was only temporary. The conk was part of the characteristic look of “The Godfather of Soul.”
       Even though by 1968 uprisings against white supremacism had been erupting for a decade with great intensity and success — the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the Children’s’ Crusade in Birmingham, the protest against disenfranchisement in Selma — prejudice against blackness remained prevalent, including among African-Americans.
       Champions of African-American uplift in the 1960s sought to liberate blackness from the layers of contempt, fear, and hatred with which it had been smeared for centuries. Brown’s anthem poignantly reflected the psychic problem it sought to address. People secure in their status don’t feel compelled to trumpet their pride. At the same time “Say it Loud!” was a rousing instance of a reclamation that took many forms. Instead of celebrating light skin, thin lips, and “good” (i.e., straight) hair, increasing numbers of African-Americans began valorizing dark skin, thick lips and “bad” (i.e., kinky) hair.
        The reclamation of blackness in the sixties made tremendous headway quickly. By 1970 my friend would not have dared to repeat out loud what he had told me unapologetically two years before. Here, as elsewhere, however, changes wrought by the black liberation movement, though impressive, were only partial. Nearly four decades after the release of “Say It Loud,” Professors Jennifer Hochschild and Vesla Weaver, having synthesized the pertinent academic literature, declared authoritatively that compared to their lighter-skinned counterparts, dark-skinned blacks continue to be burdened by lower levels of education, income, and job status. They receive longer prison sentences and are less likely to own homes or to marry. Filmmakers, advertisers, modeling agencies, dating websites and other key gatekeepers demonstrate repeatedly the ongoing pertinence of the old saw: If you’re black get back. If you’re brown, stick around. If you’re white you’re alright.
          Intraracial colorism in Black America is often seen as a topic that should, if possible, be avoided, especially in “mixed company.” That sense of embarrassment three decades ago prompted officials at Morehouse College to demand that Spike Lee cease filming on campus once they learned that his movie was exposing, among other things, black collegiate colorism. The impulse toward avoidance remains strong.
        With racial prejudice against all African-Americans still a potent force, many would just as soon ditch the discussion of “black on black” complexional bias. Colorism, however, remains a baleful reality.
       Half a century after James Brown’s proclamation, it remains imperative to assert what should have been assumed and uncontroversial all along: that black is beautiful and as worthy of pride and care and consideration as any other hue.

    (Adapted from: www.nytimes.com, 20/07/2018)
    In the second paragraph, the boldfaced sentence: “We had both internalized our society’s derogation of blackness.” means that:
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  • 4D375132-FD

    Inglês

    Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
    Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing · 2018Muito difícilEntre para guardar nos favoritos
    How James Brown Made Black Pride a Hit

    It’s been 50 years since he wrote “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud,” a song that is still necessary.

    By Randall Kennedy

       In the gym at Paul Junior High School in Washington, D.C., in the spring of 1968, not that long before the assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., I asked a buddy whether he was interested in a certain girl. He told me that he was not because she was too dark.

    Imagem da questão de Inglês, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing 2018, Interpretação de texto | Reading comprehension
       
       He and I were African-American. (Then we would have called ourselves Negro.) So was she. All of us supported the Civil Rights Movement and idolized Dr. King, yet I did not hold my friend’s colorstruck judgment against him. And he did not state his opinion with embarrassment. We had both internalized our society’s derogation of blackness.
        Indeed, we luxuriated in the denigration, spending hours trading silly, recycled but revealing insults: “Yo mama so black, she blend in with the chalkboard.” “Yeah, well, yo mama so black, she sweats chocolate.”
       It was precisely because of widespread colorism that James Brown’s anthem “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud” posed a challenge, felt so exhilarating, and resonated so powerfully. It still does. Much has changed over the past half century. But, alas, the need to defend blackness against derision continues.
        Various musicians in the 1960s tapped into yearnings for black assertiveness, autonomy and solidarity. Curtis Mayfield and the Impressions sang “We’re a Winner.” Sly and the Family Stone offered “Stand.” Sam Cooke (and Aretha Franklin and Otis Redding) performed “A Change is Gonna Come.” But no entertainer equaled Brown’s vocalization of African-Americans’ newly triumphal sense of self-acceptance.
       That Brown created the song most popularly associated with the Black is Beautiful movement is ironic. He generally stayed away from protest, endorsed the presidential re-election of Richard Nixon, lavishly praised Ronald Reagan, and consistently lauded Strom Thurmond.
       His infrequent sallies into politics usually sounded in patriotic, lift-yourselfup-ism. In the song “America is My Home,” he proclaimed without embarrassment that the United States “is still the best country / And that’s without a doubt.” Alluding to his own trajectory, he challenged dissenters to name any other country in which a person could start out as a poor shoeshine boy but end up as a wealthy celebrity shaking hands with the president.
       At the very time that in “Say It Loud,” Brown seemed to be affirming Negritude, he also sported a “conk” — a distinctive hairdo that involved chemically removing kinkiness on the way to creating a bouffant of straightened hair. Many AfricanAmerican political activists, especially those with a black nationalist orientation, decried the conk as an illustration of racial self-hatred. For a brief period, Brown abandoned the conk and adopted an Afro, but that was only temporary. The conk was part of the characteristic look of “The Godfather of Soul.”
       Even though by 1968 uprisings against white supremacism had been erupting for a decade with great intensity and success — the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the Children’s’ Crusade in Birmingham, the protest against disenfranchisement in Selma — prejudice against blackness remained prevalent, including among African-Americans.
       Champions of African-American uplift in the 1960s sought to liberate blackness from the layers of contempt, fear, and hatred with which it had been smeared for centuries. Brown’s anthem poignantly reflected the psychic problem it sought to address. People secure in their status don’t feel compelled to trumpet their pride. At the same time “Say it Loud!” was a rousing instance of a reclamation that took many forms. Instead of celebrating light skin, thin lips, and “good” (i.e., straight) hair, increasing numbers of African-Americans began valorizing dark skin, thick lips and “bad” (i.e., kinky) hair.
        The reclamation of blackness in the sixties made tremendous headway quickly. By 1970 my friend would not have dared to repeat out loud what he had told me unapologetically two years before. Here, as elsewhere, however, changes wrought by the black liberation movement, though impressive, were only partial. Nearly four decades after the release of “Say It Loud,” Professors Jennifer Hochschild and Vesla Weaver, having synthesized the pertinent academic literature, declared authoritatively that compared to their lighter-skinned counterparts, dark-skinned blacks continue to be burdened by lower levels of education, income, and job status. They receive longer prison sentences and are less likely to own homes or to marry. Filmmakers, advertisers, modeling agencies, dating websites and other key gatekeepers demonstrate repeatedly the ongoing pertinence of the old saw: If you’re black get back. If you’re brown, stick around. If you’re white you’re alright.
          Intraracial colorism in Black America is often seen as a topic that should, if possible, be avoided, especially in “mixed company.” That sense of embarrassment three decades ago prompted officials at Morehouse College to demand that Spike Lee cease filming on campus once they learned that his movie was exposing, among other things, black collegiate colorism. The impulse toward avoidance remains strong.
        With racial prejudice against all African-Americans still a potent force, many would just as soon ditch the discussion of “black on black” complexional bias. Colorism, however, remains a baleful reality.
       Half a century after James Brown’s proclamation, it remains imperative to assert what should have been assumed and uncontroversial all along: that black is beautiful and as worthy of pride and care and consideration as any other hue.

    (Adapted from: www.nytimes.com, 20/07/2018)
    An important idea brought by the text is that James Brown’s song “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud” was a milestone in the defense of:
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  • 4CF2184D-FD

    Português

    Interpretação de Textos
    Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing · 2018DifícilEntre para guardar nos favoritos
    (...)Pergunto-me se eu deveria caminhar à frente do tempo e esboçar logo um final. Acontece porém que eu mesmo ainda não sei bem como esse isto terminará. E também porque entendo que devo caminhar passo a passo de acordo com um prazo determinado por horas: até um bicho lida com o tempo. E esta também é minha mais primeira condição: a de caminhar paulatinamente apesar da impaciência que tenho em relação a essa moça.

    (Clarice Lispector, A Hora da Estrela)

    O comentário acima, sobre a história de Macabéa, pertence ao narrador Rodrigo S.M. Assinale a afirmação correta. O narrador:
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