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O gráfico mostra dados coletados na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, entre fevereiro e abril de 2020, período que inclui o início das medidas de restrição de circulação na cidade por causa da pandemia de COVID-19. Para cada dia, representado por um símbolo no gráfico, foram coletadas duas grandezas: uma média da energia de vibração sísmica durante o dia (na abscissa) e o índice F (na ordenada), que é a fração de pessoas que saiu de casa alguma vez naquele dia. A energia sísmica média foi medida em (nm/s)2 na faixa de frequências que tem causas humanas. Os triângulos representam domingos e feriados; os quadrados referem-se aos sábados; e os círculos correspondem aos dias úteis da semana. Para cada um desses subconjuntos de dados, uma reta média foi obtida, expressando a relação aproximada entre as duas grandezas medidas.
Dias, F L et al. (2020), Geophysical Research Letters, 47:16,
doi:10.1029/2020GL088748. Adaptado.
Sobre o estudo descrito, o que é possível inferir a partir dos dados
apresentados?
Por mais bem informado que você possa ser, não dá para baixar a guarda. Mas por que as notícias falsas – mesmo aquelas mais improváveis – parecem tão convincentes para tantas pessoas? Van Bavel, professor de psicologia e ciência neural da Universidade de Nova York, se especializou em entender como as crenças políticas e identidades de grupo influenciam a mente, e descobriu que a identificação com posições políticas pode interferir em como o cérebro processa as informações.
Tendemos a rejeitar fatos que ameaçam nosso senso de identidade e sempre buscar informações que confirmem nossas próprias crenças, seja por meio de memórias seletivas, leituras de fontes que estão do nosso lado ou mesmo interpretando os fatos de determinada maneira. Isso tudo está relacionado a não querermos ter nossas ideias, gostos, identidade questionados, e por isso temos dificuldade em aceitar o que contradiz aquilo em que acreditamos.
Ana Prado. “A ciência explica por que caímos em fake news”. Superinteressante. 15/06/2018. Adaptado.
De acordo com o texto,
O texto a seguir é referência para a questão.
Do que tanto ri esse tal de Scorsese?
Sergio Del Molino
O texto a seguir é referência para a questão.
Do que tanto ri esse tal de Scorsese?
Sergio Del Molino
O texto a seguir é referência para a questão.
(Peter Burke. Quando foi a globalização? In: O historiador como colunista: ensaios da Folha. RJ: Civilização Brasileira, 2009. Adaptado.)
T E X T
Men Fall Behind in College Enrollment.
Women Still Play Catch-Up at Work.
The coronavirus upended the lives of millions of college students. The Wall Street Journal reported this week that men have been hit particularly hard — accounting for roughly three-fourths of pandemic-driven dropouts — and depicted an accelerating crisis in male enrollment.
A closer look at historical trends and the labor market reveals a more complex picture, one in which women keep playing catch-up in an economy structured to favor men.
In many ways, the college gender imbalance is not new. Women have outnumbered men on campus since the late 1970s. The ratio of female to male undergraduates increased much more from 1970 to 1980 than from 1980 to the present. And the numbers haven’t changed much in recent decades. In 1992, 55 percent of college students were women. By 2019, the number had nudged up to 57.4 percent.
While the shift in the college gender ratio is often characterized as men “falling behind,” men are actually more likely to go to college today than they were when they were the majority, many decades ago. In 1970, 32 percent of men 18 to 24 were enrolled in college, a level that was most likely inflated by the opportunity to avoid being drafted into the Vietnam War. That percentage dropped to 24 percent in 1978 and then steadily grew to a stable 37 percent to 39 percent over the last decade.
The gender ratio mostly changed because female enrollment increased even faster, more than doubling over the last half-century.
Because of the change in ratio, some selective colleges discriminate against women in admissions to maintain a gender balance, as The Journal reported. Generally, admissions officials prefer to limit the disparity to 55 percent female and 45 percent male. Their reason not to let the gender ratio drift further toward 2 to 1 is straightforward: Such a ratio would most likely cause a decrease in applications.
In a New York Times essay in 2006 titled “To All the Girls I’ve Rejected,” the dean of admissions at Kenyon College at the time explained: “Beyond the availability of dance partners for the winter formal, gender balance matters in ways both large and small on a residential college campus. Once you become decidedly female in enrollment, fewer males and, as it turns out, fewer females find your campus attractive.”
The raw numbers don’t take into account the varying value of college degrees. Men still dominate in fields like technology and engineering, which offer some of the highest salaries for recent graduates. Perhaps not coincidentally, the professors in those fields remain overwhelmingly male.
Women surged into college because they were able to, but also because many had to. There are still some good-paying jobs available to men without college credentials. There are relatively few for such women. And despite the considerable cost in time and money of earning a degree, many female-dominated jobs don’t pay well.
The fact that the male-female wage gap remains large after more than four decades in which women outnumbered men in college strongly suggests that college alone offers a narrow view of opportunity. Women often seem stuck in place: As they overcome obstacles and use their degrees to move into male-dominated fields, the fields offer less pay in return.
None of this diminishes the significance of the male decrease in college enrollment and graduation. Educators view the male-driven dive in community college enrollment over the last 18 months as a calamity. The pandemic confirmed what was already known. Higher socioeconomic classes are deeply embedded in college and will bear considerable cost and inconvenience to stay there, even if it means watching lectures on a laptop in the room above your parent’s garage and missing a season of parties and football games.
For other people, college attendance is far more fragile. It does not define their identities and is not as important as earning a steady paycheck or starting and nurturing a family. In a time of crisis, it can be delayed — but the reality is that people who drop out of college are statistically unlikely to complete a degree.
Last year, women were less likely than men to leave community college, despite their disproportionate responsibility for caregiving and domestic work, because they no doubt understood the bleak long-term job prospects for women without a credential.
www.nytimes.com/Sept.9,2021
T E X T
Men Fall Behind in College Enrollment.
Women Still Play Catch-Up at Work.
The coronavirus upended the lives of millions of college students. The Wall Street Journal reported this week that men have been hit particularly hard — accounting for roughly three-fourths of pandemic-driven dropouts — and depicted an accelerating crisis in male enrollment.
A closer look at historical trends and the labor market reveals a more complex picture, one in which women keep playing catch-up in an economy structured to favor men.
In many ways, the college gender imbalance is not new. Women have outnumbered men on campus since the late 1970s. The ratio of female to male undergraduates increased much more from 1970 to 1980 than from 1980 to the present. And the numbers haven’t changed much in recent decades. In 1992, 55 percent of college students were women. By 2019, the number had nudged up to 57.4 percent.
While the shift in the college gender ratio is often characterized as men “falling behind,” men are actually more likely to go to college today than they were when they were the majority, many decades ago. In 1970, 32 percent of men 18 to 24 were enrolled in college, a level that was most likely inflated by the opportunity to avoid being drafted into the Vietnam War. That percentage dropped to 24 percent in 1978 and then steadily grew to a stable 37 percent to 39 percent over the last decade.
The gender ratio mostly changed because female enrollment increased even faster, more than doubling over the last half-century.
Because of the change in ratio, some selective colleges discriminate against women in admissions to maintain a gender balance, as The Journal reported. Generally, admissions officials prefer to limit the disparity to 55 percent female and 45 percent male. Their reason not to let the gender ratio drift further toward 2 to 1 is straightforward: Such a ratio would most likely cause a decrease in applications.
In a New York Times essay in 2006 titled “To All the Girls I’ve Rejected,” the dean of admissions at Kenyon College at the time explained: “Beyond the availability of dance partners for the winter formal, gender balance matters in ways both large and small on a residential college campus. Once you become decidedly female in enrollment, fewer males and, as it turns out, fewer females find your campus attractive.”
The raw numbers don’t take into account the varying value of college degrees. Men still dominate in fields like technology and engineering, which offer some of the highest salaries for recent graduates. Perhaps not coincidentally, the professors in those fields remain overwhelmingly male.
Women surged into college because they were able to, but also because many had to. There are still some good-paying jobs available to men without college credentials. There are relatively few for such women. And despite the considerable cost in time and money of earning a degree, many female-dominated jobs don’t pay well.
The fact that the male-female wage gap remains large after more than four decades in which women outnumbered men in college strongly suggests that college alone offers a narrow view of opportunity. Women often seem stuck in place: As they overcome obstacles and use their degrees to move into male-dominated fields, the fields offer less pay in return.
None of this diminishes the significance of the male decrease in college enrollment and graduation. Educators view the male-driven dive in community college enrollment over the last 18 months as a calamity. The pandemic confirmed what was already known. Higher socioeconomic classes are deeply embedded in college and will bear considerable cost and inconvenience to stay there, even if it means watching lectures on a laptop in the room above your parent’s garage and missing a season of parties and football games.
For other people, college attendance is far more fragile. It does not define their identities and is not as important as earning a steady paycheck or starting and nurturing a family. In a time of crisis, it can be delayed — but the reality is that people who drop out of college are statistically unlikely to complete a degree.
Last year, women were less likely than men to leave community college, despite their disproportionate responsibility for caregiving and domestic work, because they no doubt understood the bleak long-term job prospects for women without a credential.
www.nytimes.com/Sept.9,2021
T E X T
Men Fall Behind in College Enrollment.
Women Still Play Catch-Up at Work.
The coronavirus upended the lives of millions of college students. The Wall Street Journal reported this week that men have been hit particularly hard — accounting for roughly three-fourths of pandemic-driven dropouts — and depicted an accelerating crisis in male enrollment.
A closer look at historical trends and the labor market reveals a more complex picture, one in which women keep playing catch-up in an economy structured to favor men.
In many ways, the college gender imbalance is not new. Women have outnumbered men on campus since the late 1970s. The ratio of female to male undergraduates increased much more from 1970 to 1980 than from 1980 to the present. And the numbers haven’t changed much in recent decades. In 1992, 55 percent of college students were women. By 2019, the number had nudged up to 57.4 percent.
While the shift in the college gender ratio is often characterized as men “falling behind,” men are actually more likely to go to college today than they were when they were the majority, many decades ago. In 1970, 32 percent of men 18 to 24 were enrolled in college, a level that was most likely inflated by the opportunity to avoid being drafted into the Vietnam War. That percentage dropped to 24 percent in 1978 and then steadily grew to a stable 37 percent to 39 percent over the last decade.
The gender ratio mostly changed because female enrollment increased even faster, more than doubling over the last half-century.
Because of the change in ratio, some selective colleges discriminate against women in admissions to maintain a gender balance, as The Journal reported. Generally, admissions officials prefer to limit the disparity to 55 percent female and 45 percent male. Their reason not to let the gender ratio drift further toward 2 to 1 is straightforward: Such a ratio would most likely cause a decrease in applications.
In a New York Times essay in 2006 titled “To All the Girls I’ve Rejected,” the dean of admissions at Kenyon College at the time explained: “Beyond the availability of dance partners for the winter formal, gender balance matters in ways both large and small on a residential college campus. Once you become decidedly female in enrollment, fewer males and, as it turns out, fewer females find your campus attractive.”
The raw numbers don’t take into account the varying value of college degrees. Men still dominate in fields like technology and engineering, which offer some of the highest salaries for recent graduates. Perhaps not coincidentally, the professors in those fields remain overwhelmingly male.
Women surged into college because they were able to, but also because many had to. There are still some good-paying jobs available to men without college credentials. There are relatively few for such women. And despite the considerable cost in time and money of earning a degree, many female-dominated jobs don’t pay well.
The fact that the male-female wage gap remains large after more than four decades in which women outnumbered men in college strongly suggests that college alone offers a narrow view of opportunity. Women often seem stuck in place: As they overcome obstacles and use their degrees to move into male-dominated fields, the fields offer less pay in return.
None of this diminishes the significance of the male decrease in college enrollment and graduation. Educators view the male-driven dive in community college enrollment over the last 18 months as a calamity. The pandemic confirmed what was already known. Higher socioeconomic classes are deeply embedded in college and will bear considerable cost and inconvenience to stay there, even if it means watching lectures on a laptop in the room above your parent’s garage and missing a season of parties and football games.
For other people, college attendance is far more fragile. It does not define their identities and is not as important as earning a steady paycheck or starting and nurturing a family. In a time of crisis, it can be delayed — but the reality is that people who drop out of college are statistically unlikely to complete a degree.
Last year, women were less likely than men to leave community college, despite their disproportionate responsibility for caregiving and domestic work, because they no doubt understood the bleak long-term job prospects for women without a credential.
www.nytimes.com/Sept.9,2021
Leia com atenção o seguinte diálogo entre Galileu e o garoto Andrea, personagens da peça Vida de Galileu (1938-39), do dramaturgo alemão Bertolt Brecht (1898-1956):
“GALILEU – Você entendeu o que eu lhe expliquei ontem?
ANDREA – O quê? Aquela história de Copérnico e da rotação da Terra?
GALILEU – É.
ANDREA – Por que o senhor quer que eu entenda? É muito difícil, e eu ainda não fiz onze anos, vou fazer em outubro.
GALILEU – Mas eu quero que você entenda. É para que se entendam essas coisas que eu trabalho e compro livros caros em vez de pagar o leiteiro.
ANDREA – Mas eu vejo que o Sol de noite não está onde estava de manhã. Quer dizer que ele não pode ficar parado! Nunca, jamais...
GALILEU – Você vê?! O que você vê? Você não vê nada! Você arregala os olhos, mas arregalar os olhos não é ver.
Galileu põe a bacia de ferro no centro do quarto e diz:
GALILEU – Bem, isto é o Sol (aponta para a bacia).
Sente-se aí (aponta para a cadeira).
Andrea se senta na única cadeira, tendo a bacia à sua esquerda; Galileu fica de pé, atrás dele, e pergunta:
GALILEU – Onde está o Sol, à direita ou à esquerda?
ANDREA – À esquerda.
GALILEU – Como fazer para ele passar para a direita?
ANDREA – O senhor carrega a bacia para a direita, claro.
GALILEU – E não tem outro jeito?
Galileu levanta Andrea e a cadeira do chão, coloca-os do outro lado da bacia e pergunta:
GALILEU – Agora, onde está o Sol?
ANDREA – À direita.
GALILEU – E ele se moveu?
ANDREA – Ele, não.
GALILEU – O que é que se moveu?
ANDREA – Eu.
GALILEU (gritando) – Errado, seu desatencioso! A cadeira! A cadeira se moveu!
ANDREA – Mas eu com ela!
GALILEU – Claro, a cadeira é a Terra. Você está em cima dela.”
BRECHT, B. A vida de Galileu. Trad. Roberto Schwartz. In: Bertolt Brecht. Teatro completo, vol. 6.– 3ª ed. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1991. Adaptado.
Com base no diálogo acima, é correto afirmar que, para o personagem Galileu, para compreender os fenômenos astronômicos acima discutidos,
“A teologia, para mim, é uma grandeza cultural na história da cultura do Ocidente. Creio que é uma grandeza constitutiva da tradição, sobretudo, filosófica: o termo ‘teologia’ nasceu da filosofia, é um termo criado por Platão. [...] Quando a filosofia ultrapassa o domínio daquilo que, de alguma maneira, é diretamente acessível à experiência e controlado por ela, entra neste domínio que Platão chama de ‘suprassensível’, inteligível, ou como quer que seja. Este é, para mim, um domínio no qual o problema teológico se apresenta inevitavelmente, porque se apresenta o problema da ordem das realidades e toda ordem supõe um princípio ordenador, tornando-se então, de alguma maneira, uma teologia.”
VAZ, Henrique Claudio de Lima. Filosofia e forma da ação.
Entrevista a Cadernos de filosofia alemã, 2, p. 77-102, 1997.
Na passagem acima citada, o filósofo brasileiro H. C. de Lima Vaz (1921-2002) apresenta uma interpretação do pensamento filosófico como uma teologia. Recorrendo à filosofia de Platão para explicar essa sua interpretação, ele termina por nos oferecer uma interpretação da própria teoria platônica das ideias, que seria uma espécie de teologia, porque
“Os grandes cientistas de Tales a Demócrito e Anaxágoras costumam ser descritos nos livros de história ou de filosofia como ‘pré-socráticos’, como se sua principal função fosse sustentar a fortaleza filosófica até o advento de Sócrates, Platão e Aristóteles, e talvez influenciá-los um pouco. Na verdade, os antigos jônios representam uma tradição diferente e bastante questionadora, muito mais compatível com a ciência moderna.”
SAGAN, Carl. A espinha dorsal da noite. In: Cosmos. Trad. bras. Paulo Seiger. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2017.
É implícita a essa passagem de Carl Sagan (1934- 1996) acerca do surgimento e da história da filosofia grega a visão de que
O sistema nervoso humano é dividido em sistema nervoso central (SNC) e sistema nervoso periférico (SNP). A respeito das funções desses sistemas, escreva V ou F conforme seja verdadeiro ou falso o que se afirma nos itens abaixo.
( ) O SNP, constituído do encéfalo e da medula espinal, integra e processa as informações que o restante do organismo envia ou recebe.
( ) O SNC é responsável pela elaboração dos pensamentos, das memórias e das emoções.
( ) O SNC é formado por nervos e gânglios, cuja função é manter o fluxo de informações entre o SNP e o restante do corpo.
A sequência correta, de cima para baixo, é:
