Prova de 2013: Universidade Estadual do Ceará (UECE) — questões com gabarito

O período historicamente conhecido como Período Regencial foi caracterizado

O Kibutz é um sistema agrícola coletivo criado em Israel. Sobre este sistema, analise as afirmações a seguir.

I. Nesse sistema, a comunidade toma decisões de forma coletiva.

II. As áreas de cultivo se localizam na região periférica das comunidades.

III. Cada kibutz oferece aos seus integrantes moradia, educação e alimentação.

Está correto o que se afirma em

O conceito de Gênero de Vida, entre outras coisas, abrange o conjunto de técnicas e costumes construídos e passados socialmente, exprimindo uma relação entre a população e os recursos. Esta ideia foi proposta por

Produtos de base, em estado bruto, considerados como matéria-prima, provenientes de cultivo ou extração são conhecidos como

DADOS QUE PODEM SER USADOS NESTA PROVA: 

ELEMENTO QUÍMICO                     NÚMERO ATÔMICO                       MASSA ATÔMICA 

Futuramente o titânio será mais utilizado na aviação, principalmente na construção de aviões supersônicos, por oferecer grandes vantagens, no que diz respeito a sua elevada temperatura de fusão (1670 ºC), visto que o atrito do ar contra as paredes metálicas tende a elevar a temperatura de todo o corpo das aeronaves. A obtenção do titânio pode ser representada pela equação não balanceada:

TiCl4(s) + Mg(s) → Ti(s) + MgCl2(s).

O número aproximado de átomos de magnésio consumidos quando 63,3 g de tetracloreto de titânio reagem totalmente é

DADOS QUE PODEM SER USADOS NESTA PROVA: 

ELEMENTO QUÍMICO                     NÚMERO ATÔMICO                       MASSA ATÔMICA 

Atente para as seguintes afirmações a respeito das conclusões a que chegou Rutherford durante a experiência sobre a estrutura da matéria.

I. O átomo é constituído por duas regiões distintas: o núcleo e a eletrosfera.

II. O núcleo atômico é extremamente pequeno em relação ao tamanho do átomo.

III. O átomo tem uma região em que existe muito espaço vazio.

IV. As partículas negativas do átomo podem ter quaisquer valores de energia.

V. A eletrosfera é a região que concentra praticamente toda a massa elétrica do átomo.

No que diz respeito à estrutura da matéria, corresponde às conclusões de Rutherford o que se afirma em

DADOS QUE PODEM SER USADOS NESTA PROVA: 

ELEMENTO QUÍMICO                     NÚMERO ATÔMICO                       MASSA ATÔMICA 

Wolfgang Ernst Pauli (1900–1958), físico austríaco, estabeleceu o princípio de exclusão, segundo o qual férmions, como é o caso dos elétrons, “não podem ocupar o mesmo estado quântico simultaneamente”. Este princípio está em consonância com uma das propriedades da matéria, conhecida pelos pré-socráticos desde os tempos imemoriais, denominada de

Um corpo de massa m, em queda livre e sob ação de gravidade g constante, parte do repouso e descreve uma trajetória vertical. Durante a queda, a resistência do ar impõe uma força de atrito proporcional ao módulo V da velocidade do corpo, o que faz a massa se deslocar com aceleração variável. O módulo da força de resistência é dado por bV, onde b é uma constante de proporcionalidade e depende, dentre outros fatores, da forma do corpo. A segunda Lei de Newton, aplicada ao corpo, mostra que o módulo da força resultante é força = mg − bV = mA, onde A é o módulo da aceleração. Note que, no instante inicial, V = 0 e a aceleração fica simplesmente A = g. À medida que o tempo passa, V aumenta e A diminui até um instante de tempo em que a velocidade se manterá constante. Esta velocidade, chamada de velocidade terminal, tem módulo igual a

Três sólidos, um cubo, um cilindro e uma esfera, têm massas iguais e distribuídas homogeneamente ao longo de seus volumes. Os sólidos flutuam parcialmente submersos em um mesmo líquido. A relação entre os volumes submersos de cada objeto é

Uma bola está inicialmente presa ao teto no interior de um vagão de trem que se move em linha reta na horizontal e com velocidade constante. Em um dado instante, a bola se solta e cai sob a ação da gravidade. Para um observador no interior do vagão, a bola descreve uma trajetória vertical durante a queda, e para um observador parado fora do vagão, a trajetória é um arco de parábola. Assim, o trabalho realizado pela força peso durante a descida da bola é

     BRASÍLIA — Brazil’s highest court has long viewed itself as a bastion of manners and formality. Justices call one another “Your Excellency,” dress in billowing robes and wrap each utterance in grandiloquence, as if little had changed from the era when marquises and dukes held sway from their vast plantations.

     In one televised feud, Mr. Barbosa questioned another justice about whether he would even be on the court had he not been appointed by his cousin, a former president impeached in 1992. With another justice, Mr. Barbosa rebuked him over what the chief justice considered his condescending tone, telling him he was not his “capanga,” a term describing a hired thug. 

      In one of his most scathing comments, Mr. Barbosa, the high court’s first and only black justice, took on the entire legal system of Brazil — where it is still remarkably rare for politicians to ever spend time in prison, even after being convicted of crimes — contending that the mentality of judges was “conservative, pro-status-quo and pro-impunity.”

     “I have a temperament that doesn’t adapt well to politics,” Mr. Barbosa, 58, said in a recent interview in his quarters here in the Supreme Federal Tribunal, a modernist landmark designed by the architect Oscar Niemeyer. “It’s because I speak my mind so much.” 

     His acknowledged lack of tact notwithstanding, he is the driving force behind a series of socially liberal and establishment-shaking rulings, turning Brazil’s highest court — and him in particular — into a newfound political power and the subject of popular fascination. 

   The court’s recent rulings include a unanimous decision upholding the University of Brasília’s admissions policies aimed at increasing the number of black and indigenous students, opening the way for one of the Western Hemisphere’s most sweeping affirmative action laws for higher education. 

     In another move, Mr. Barbosa used his sway as chief justice and president of the panel overseeing Brazil’s judiciary to effectively legalize same-sex marriage across the country. And in an anticorruption crusade, he is overseeing the precedent-setting trial of senior political figures in the governing Workers Party for their roles in a vast vote-buying scheme.

   Ascending to Brazil’s high court, much less pushing the institution to assert its independence, long seemed out of reach for Mr. Barbosa, the eldest of eight children raised in Paracatu, an impoverished city in Minas Gerais State, where his father worked as a bricklayer.  

    But his prominence — not just on the court, but in the streets as well — is so well established that masks with his face were sold for Carnival, amateur musicians have composed songs about his handling of the corruption trial and posted them on YouTube, and demonstrators during the huge street protests that shook the nation this year told pollsters that Mr. Barbosa was one of their top choices for president in next year’s elections.

     While the protests have subsided since their height in June, the political tumult they set off persists. The race for president, once considered a shoo-in for the incumbent, Dilma Rousseff, is now up in the air, with Mr. Barbosa — who is now so much in the public eye that gossip columnists are following his romance with a woman in her 20s — repeatedly saying he will not run. “I’m not a candidate for anything,” he says. 

     But the same public glare that has turned him into a celebrity has singed him as well. While he has won widespread admiration for his guidance of the high court, Mr. Barbosa, like almost every other prominent political figure in Brazil, has recently come under scrutiny. And for someone accustomed to criticizing the so-called supersalaries awarded to some members of Brazil’s legal system, the revelations have put Mr. Barbosa on the defensive. 

     One report in the Brazilian news media described how he received about $180,000 in payments for untaken leaves of absence during his 19 years as a public prosecutor. (Such payments are common in some areas of Brazil’s large public bureaucracy.) Another noted that he bought an apartment in Miami through a limited liability company, suggesting an effort to pay less taxes on the property. In statements, Mr. Barbosa contends that he has done nothing wrong. 

     In a country where a majority of people now define themselves as black or of mixed race — but where blacks remain remarkably rare in the highest echelons of political institutions and corporations — Mr. Barbosa’s trajectory and abrupt manner have elicited both widespread admiration and a fair amount of resistance. 

     As a teenager, Mr. Barbosa moved to the capital, Brasília, finding work as a janitor in a courtroom. Against the odds, he got into the University of Brasília, the only black student in its law program at the time. Wanting to see the world, he later won admission into Brazil’s diplomatic service, which promptly sent him to Helsinki, the Finnish capital on the shore of the Baltic Sea. 

     Sensing that he would not advance much in the diplomatic service, which he has called “one of the most discriminatory institutions of Brazil,” Mr. Barbosa opted for a career as a prosecutor. He alternated between legal investigations in Brazil and studies abroad, gaining fluency in English, French and German, and earning a doctorate in law at Pantheon-Assas University in Paris. 

   Fascinated by the legal systems of other countries, Mr. Barbosa wrote a book on affirmative action in the United States. He still voices his admiration for figures like Thurgood Marshall, the first black Supreme Court justice in the United States, and William J. Brennan Jr., who for years embodied the court’s liberal vision, clearly drawing inspiration from them as he pushed Brazil’s high court toward socially liberal rulings.

    Still, no decision has thrust Mr. Barbosa into Brazil’s public imagination as much as his handling of the trial of political operatives, legislators and bankers found guilty in a labyrinthine corruption scandal called the mensalão, or big monthly allowance, after the regular payments made to lawmakers in exchange for their votes. 

    Last November, at Mr. Barbosa’s urging, the high court sentenced some of the most powerful figures in the governing Workers Party to years in prison for their crimes in the scheme, including bribery and unlawful conspiracy, jolting a political system in which impunity for politicians has been the norm.  

     Now the mensalão trial is entering what could be its final phases, and Mr. Barbosa has at times been visibly exasperated that defendants who have already been found guilty and sentenced have managed to avoid hard jail time. He has clashed with other justices over their consideration of a rare legal procedure in which appeals over close votes at the high court are examined. 

     Losing his patience with one prominent justice, Ricardo Lewandowski, who tried to absolve some defendants of certain crimes, Mr. Barbosa publicly accused him this month of “chicanery” by using legalese to prop up certain positions. An outcry ensued among some who could not stomach Mr. Barbosa’s talking to a fellow justice like that. “Who does Justice Joaquim Barbosa think he is?” asked Ricardo Noblat, a columnist for the newspaper O Globo, questioning whether Mr. Barbosa was qualified to preside over the court. “What powers does he think he has just because he’s sitting in the chair of the chief justice of the Supreme Federal Tribunal?” 

      Mr. Barbosa did not apologize. In the interview, he said some tension was necessary for the court to function properly. “It was always like this,” he said, contending that arguments are now just easier to see because the court’s proceedings are televised. 

     Linking the court’s work to the recent wave of protests, he explained that he strongly disagreed with the violence of some demonstrators, but he also said he believed that the street movements were “a sign of democracy’s exuberance.” 

     “People don’t want to passively stand by and observe these arrangements of the elite, which were always the Brazilian tradition,” he said. 

In the sentences “Mr. Barbosa took on the entire legal system,” “he is overseeing the precedent-setting trial,” and “Mr. Barbosa has at times been exasperated,” the verbs are, respectively, in the

     BRASÍLIA — Brazil’s highest court has long viewed itself as a bastion of manners and formality. Justices call one another “Your Excellency,” dress in billowing robes and wrap each utterance in grandiloquence, as if little had changed from the era when marquises and dukes held sway from their vast plantations.

     In one televised feud, Mr. Barbosa questioned another justice about whether he would even be on the court had he not been appointed by his cousin, a former president impeached in 1992. With another justice, Mr. Barbosa rebuked him over what the chief justice considered his condescending tone, telling him he was not his “capanga,” a term describing a hired thug. 

      In one of his most scathing comments, Mr. Barbosa, the high court’s first and only black justice, took on the entire legal system of Brazil — where it is still remarkably rare for politicians to ever spend time in prison, even after being convicted of crimes — contending that the mentality of judges was “conservative, pro-status-quo and pro-impunity.”

     “I have a temperament that doesn’t adapt well to politics,” Mr. Barbosa, 58, said in a recent interview in his quarters here in the Supreme Federal Tribunal, a modernist landmark designed by the architect Oscar Niemeyer. “It’s because I speak my mind so much.” 

     His acknowledged lack of tact notwithstanding, he is the driving force behind a series of socially liberal and establishment-shaking rulings, turning Brazil’s highest court — and him in particular — into a newfound political power and the subject of popular fascination. 

   The court’s recent rulings include a unanimous decision upholding the University of Brasília’s admissions policies aimed at increasing the number of black and indigenous students, opening the way for one of the Western Hemisphere’s most sweeping affirmative action laws for higher education. 

     In another move, Mr. Barbosa used his sway as chief justice and president of the panel overseeing Brazil’s judiciary to effectively legalize same-sex marriage across the country. And in an anticorruption crusade, he is overseeing the precedent-setting trial of senior political figures in the governing Workers Party for their roles in a vast vote-buying scheme.

   Ascending to Brazil’s high court, much less pushing the institution to assert its independence, long seemed out of reach for Mr. Barbosa, the eldest of eight children raised in Paracatu, an impoverished city in Minas Gerais State, where his father worked as a bricklayer.  

    But his prominence — not just on the court, but in the streets as well — is so well established that masks with his face were sold for Carnival, amateur musicians have composed songs about his handling of the corruption trial and posted them on YouTube, and demonstrators during the huge street protests that shook the nation this year told pollsters that Mr. Barbosa was one of their top choices for president in next year’s elections.

     While the protests have subsided since their height in June, the political tumult they set off persists. The race for president, once considered a shoo-in for the incumbent, Dilma Rousseff, is now up in the air, with Mr. Barbosa — who is now so much in the public eye that gossip columnists are following his romance with a woman in her 20s — repeatedly saying he will not run. “I’m not a candidate for anything,” he says. 

     But the same public glare that has turned him into a celebrity has singed him as well. While he has won widespread admiration for his guidance of the high court, Mr. Barbosa, like almost every other prominent political figure in Brazil, has recently come under scrutiny. And for someone accustomed to criticizing the so-called supersalaries awarded to some members of Brazil’s legal system, the revelations have put Mr. Barbosa on the defensive. 

     One report in the Brazilian news media described how he received about $180,000 in payments for untaken leaves of absence during his 19 years as a public prosecutor. (Such payments are common in some areas of Brazil’s large public bureaucracy.) Another noted that he bought an apartment in Miami through a limited liability company, suggesting an effort to pay less taxes on the property. In statements, Mr. Barbosa contends that he has done nothing wrong. 

     In a country where a majority of people now define themselves as black or of mixed race — but where blacks remain remarkably rare in the highest echelons of political institutions and corporations — Mr. Barbosa’s trajectory and abrupt manner have elicited both widespread admiration and a fair amount of resistance. 

     As a teenager, Mr. Barbosa moved to the capital, Brasília, finding work as a janitor in a courtroom. Against the odds, he got into the University of Brasília, the only black student in its law program at the time. Wanting to see the world, he later won admission into Brazil’s diplomatic service, which promptly sent him to Helsinki, the Finnish capital on the shore of the Baltic Sea. 

     Sensing that he would not advance much in the diplomatic service, which he has called “one of the most discriminatory institutions of Brazil,” Mr. Barbosa opted for a career as a prosecutor. He alternated between legal investigations in Brazil and studies abroad, gaining fluency in English, French and German, and earning a doctorate in law at Pantheon-Assas University in Paris. 

   Fascinated by the legal systems of other countries, Mr. Barbosa wrote a book on affirmative action in the United States. He still voices his admiration for figures like Thurgood Marshall, the first black Supreme Court justice in the United States, and William J. Brennan Jr., who for years embodied the court’s liberal vision, clearly drawing inspiration from them as he pushed Brazil’s high court toward socially liberal rulings.

    Still, no decision has thrust Mr. Barbosa into Brazil’s public imagination as much as his handling of the trial of political operatives, legislators and bankers found guilty in a labyrinthine corruption scandal called the mensalão, or big monthly allowance, after the regular payments made to lawmakers in exchange for their votes. 

    Last November, at Mr. Barbosa’s urging, the high court sentenced some of the most powerful figures in the governing Workers Party to years in prison for their crimes in the scheme, including bribery and unlawful conspiracy, jolting a political system in which impunity for politicians has been the norm.  

     Now the mensalão trial is entering what could be its final phases, and Mr. Barbosa has at times been visibly exasperated that defendants who have already been found guilty and sentenced have managed to avoid hard jail time. He has clashed with other justices over their consideration of a rare legal procedure in which appeals over close votes at the high court are examined. 

     Losing his patience with one prominent justice, Ricardo Lewandowski, who tried to absolve some defendants of certain crimes, Mr. Barbosa publicly accused him this month of “chicanery” by using legalese to prop up certain positions. An outcry ensued among some who could not stomach Mr. Barbosa’s talking to a fellow justice like that. “Who does Justice Joaquim Barbosa think he is?” asked Ricardo Noblat, a columnist for the newspaper O Globo, questioning whether Mr. Barbosa was qualified to preside over the court. “What powers does he think he has just because he’s sitting in the chair of the chief justice of the Supreme Federal Tribunal?” 

      Mr. Barbosa did not apologize. In the interview, he said some tension was necessary for the court to function properly. “It was always like this,” he said, contending that arguments are now just easier to see because the court’s proceedings are televised. 

     Linking the court’s work to the recent wave of protests, he explained that he strongly disagreed with the violence of some demonstrators, but he also said he believed that the street movements were “a sign of democracy’s exuberance.” 

     “People don’t want to passively stand by and observe these arrangements of the elite, which were always the Brazilian tradition,” he said. 

The sentences “Last November, at Mr. Barbosa’s urging, the high court sentenced some of the most powerful figures in the governing Workers Party to years in prison for their crimes in the scheme” and “Mr. Barbosa wrote a book on affirmative action in the United States” contain, respectively, a/an

Apunta el uso correcto del demostrativo.

Um poliedro convexo tem 32 faces, sendo 20 hexágonos e 12 pentágonos. O número de vértices deste polígono é

Se, em um polígono convexo, o número de lados n é um terço do número de diagonais, então o valor de n é

Se f: R→R é a função definida por f(x) = 2senx +1, então o produto do maior valor pelo menor valor que f assume é igual a

Segundo Simões (1999), uma planta é considerada medicinal quando possui metabólitos com propriedades químicas associadas a algum tipo de ação farmacológica. Assim, as substâncias ativas presentes nas plantas medicinais, que são produtos do seu metabolismo, são

Assinale com V ou F, conforme seja verdadeiro ou falso o que é dito sobre o mangue.

( ) No mangue, quando a maré está baixa, a água salgada prevalece no rio, mas quando a maré sobe, a água se torna salobra.

( ) O solo lodoso dificulta a fixação das plantas do mangue e, por esse motivo, elas desenvolvem estruturas denominadas raízes escoras ou aéreas, que se aprofundam na lama até conseguirem se firmar para suportar a entrada das marés altas e as enxurradas dos rios.

( ) Poucos peixes e crustáceos marinhos desovam no mangue, pois é um ambiente bastante adverso, pobre em oxigênio, com elevado número de predadores.

( ) A vegetação de mangue é chamada de halófila, pois suas plantas são adaptadas à constante variação de sal na água e no solo.

A sequência correta, de cima para baixo, é: