Prova de 2014: Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV) — questões com gabarito

Um professor propôs um trabalho a um grupo de alunos empregando um conjunto de 14 bolas de diferentes tipos de plásticos, para montar um modelo, com bolas e varetas, da estrutura molecular do acetato de etila, fórmula molecular C₄H₈O₂ . Para o experimento, os alunos dispuseram de balança e régua.

    Para representarem corretamente o modelo da molécula do C₄H₈O₂, as bolas de plástico tinham tamanhos diferentes (pequenas, médias e grandes). Suas massas, em gramas, eram iguais aos valores das massas molares dos elementos C, H e O. Em escala ampliada para centímetros, seus raios tinham a mesma ordem de tamanho dos raios atômicos dos átomos que representavam.

    Sobre essas bolas de plástico que representam as características de tamanho e massa dos átomos de C, H e O, os alunos concluíram:

I. as bolas que representam os átomos de H eram as pequenas, e as que representam os átomos de O eram as grandes;

II. a massa total das bolas grandes correspondia a seis vezes a massa total das bolas de tamanho pequeno;

III. a massa total das bolas pequenas correspondia a ¼ da massa total das bolas de tamanho médio.

Classificando cada uma das conclusões como verdadeira (V) ou falsa (F), tem-se, correta e respectivamente:

Desde tempos remotos, muito se especulou acerca da origem e, principalmente, das características do campo magnético terrestre. Recentes pesquisas, usando sondas espaciais, demonstram que o campo magnético terrestre

Argentina defaults – Eighth time unlucky

Cristina Fernández argues that her country's latest default is different. She is missing the point.

Aug 2nd 2014

     ARGENTINA'S first bond, issued in 1824, was supposed to have had a lifespan of 46 years. Less than four years later, the government defaulted. Resolving the ensuing stand-off with creditors took 29 years. Since then seven more defaults have followed, the most recent this week, when Argentina failed to make a payment on bonds issued as partial compensation to victims of the previous default, in 2001.

     Most investors think they can see a pattern in all this, but Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, insists the latest default is not like the others. Her government, she points out, had transferred the full $539m it owed to the banks that administer the bonds. It is America’s courts (the bonds were issued under American law) that blocked the payment, at the behest of the tiny minority of owners of bonds from 2001 who did not accept the restructuring Argentina offered them in 2005 and again in 2010. These “hold-outs”, balking at the 65% haircut the restructuring entailed, not only persuaded a judge that they should be paid in full but also got him to freeze payments on the restructured bonds until Argentina coughs up.

    Argentina claims that paying the hold-outs was impossible. It is not just that they are “vultures" as Argentine officials often put it, who bought the bonds for cents on the dollar after the previous default and are now holding those who accepted the restructuring (accounting for 93% of the debt) to ransom. The main problem is that a clause in the restructured bonds prohibits Argentina from offering the hold-outs better terms without paying everyone else the same. Since it cannot afford to do that, it says it had no choice but to default.

     Yet it is not certain that the clause requiring equal treatment of all bondholders would have applied, given that Argentina would not have been paying the hold-outs voluntarily, but on the courts' orders. Moreover, some owners of the restructured bonds had agreed to waive their rights; had Argentina made a concerted effort to persuade the remainder to do the same, it might have succeeded. Lawyers and bankers have suggested various ways around the clause in question, which expires at the end of the year. But Argentina's government was slow to consider these options or negotiate with the hold-outs, hiding instead behind indignant nationalism.

     Ms Fernández is right that the consequences of America's court rulings have been perverse, unleashing a big financial dispute in an attempt to solve a relatively small one. But hers is not the first government to be hit with an awkward verdict. Instead of railing against it, she should have tried to minimise the harm it did. Defaulting has helped no one: none of the bondholders will now be paid, Argentina looks like a pariah again, and its economy will remain starved of loans and investment.

     Happily, much of the damage can still be undone. It is not too late to strike a deal with the hold-outs or back an ostensibly private effort to buy out their claims. A quick fix would make it easier for Argentina to borrow again internationally. That, in turn, would speed development of big oil and gas deposits, the income from which could help ease its money troubles.

   More important, it would help to change perceptions of Argentina as a financial rogue state. Over the past year or so Ms Fernández seems to have been trying to rehabilitate Argentina's image and resuscitate its faltering economy. She settled financial disputes with government creditors and with Repsol, a Spanish oil firm whose Argentine assets she had expropriated in 2012. This week's events have overshadowed all that. For its own sake, and everyone else's, Argentina should hold its nose and do a deal with the hold-outs.

(http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21610263. Adapted)


In the last sentence of the text, the use of the phrase Argentina should hold its nose implies that Argentina should

Argentina defaults – Eighth time unlucky

Cristina Fernández argues that her country's latest default is different. She is missing the point.

Aug 2nd 2014

     ARGENTINA'S first bond, issued in 1824, was supposed to have had a lifespan of 46 years. Less than four years later, the government defaulted. Resolving the ensuing stand-off with creditors took 29 years. Since then seven more defaults have followed, the most recent this week, when Argentina failed to make a payment on bonds issued as partial compensation to victims of the previous default, in 2001.

     Most investors think they can see a pattern in all this, but Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, insists the latest default is not like the others. Her government, she points out, had transferred the full $539m it owed to the banks that administer the bonds. It is America’s courts (the bonds were issued under American law) that blocked the payment, at the behest of the tiny minority of owners of bonds from 2001 who did not accept the restructuring Argentina offered them in 2005 and again in 2010. These “hold-outs”, balking at the 65% haircut the restructuring entailed, not only persuaded a judge that they should be paid in full but also got him to freeze payments on the restructured bonds until Argentina coughs up.

    Argentina claims that paying the hold-outs was impossible. It is not just that they are “vultures" as Argentine officials often put it, who bought the bonds for cents on the dollar after the previous default and are now holding those who accepted the restructuring (accounting for 93% of the debt) to ransom. The main problem is that a clause in the restructured bonds prohibits Argentina from offering the hold-outs better terms without paying everyone else the same. Since it cannot afford to do that, it says it had no choice but to default.

     Yet it is not certain that the clause requiring equal treatment of all bondholders would have applied, given that Argentina would not have been paying the hold-outs voluntarily, but on the courts' orders. Moreover, some owners of the restructured bonds had agreed to waive their rights; had Argentina made a concerted effort to persuade the remainder to do the same, it might have succeeded. Lawyers and bankers have suggested various ways around the clause in question, which expires at the end of the year. But Argentina's government was slow to consider these options or negotiate with the hold-outs, hiding instead behind indignant nationalism.

     Ms Fernández is right that the consequences of America's court rulings have been perverse, unleashing a big financial dispute in an attempt to solve a relatively small one. But hers is not the first government to be hit with an awkward verdict. Instead of railing against it, she should have tried to minimise the harm it did. Defaulting has helped no one: none of the bondholders will now be paid, Argentina looks like a pariah again, and its economy will remain starved of loans and investment.

     Happily, much of the damage can still be undone. It is not too late to strike a deal with the hold-outs or back an ostensibly private effort to buy out their claims. A quick fix would make it easier for Argentina to borrow again internationally. That, in turn, would speed development of big oil and gas deposits, the income from which could help ease its money troubles.

   More important, it would help to change perceptions of Argentina as a financial rogue state. Over the past year or so Ms Fernández seems to have been trying to rehabilitate Argentina's image and resuscitate its faltering economy. She settled financial disputes with government creditors and with Repsol, a Spanish oil firm whose Argentine assets she had expropriated in 2012. This week's events have overshadowed all that. For its own sake, and everyone else's, Argentina should hold its nose and do a deal with the hold-outs.

(http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21610263. Adapted)


The last paragraph implies that

Argentina defaults – Eighth time unlucky

Cristina Fernández argues that her country's latest default is different. She is missing the point.

Aug 2nd 2014

     ARGENTINA'S first bond, issued in 1824, was supposed to have had a lifespan of 46 years. Less than four years later, the government defaulted. Resolving the ensuing stand-off with creditors took 29 years. Since then seven more defaults have followed, the most recent this week, when Argentina failed to make a payment on bonds issued as partial compensation to victims of the previous default, in 2001.

     Most investors think they can see a pattern in all this, but Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, insists the latest default is not like the others. Her government, she points out, had transferred the full $539m it owed to the banks that administer the bonds. It is America’s courts (the bonds were issued under American law) that blocked the payment, at the behest of the tiny minority of owners of bonds from 2001 who did not accept the restructuring Argentina offered them in 2005 and again in 2010. These “hold-outs”, balking at the 65% haircut the restructuring entailed, not only persuaded a judge that they should be paid in full but also got him to freeze payments on the restructured bonds until Argentina coughs up.

    Argentina claims that paying the hold-outs was impossible. It is not just that they are “vultures" as Argentine officials often put it, who bought the bonds for cents on the dollar after the previous default and are now holding those who accepted the restructuring (accounting for 93% of the debt) to ransom. The main problem is that a clause in the restructured bonds prohibits Argentina from offering the hold-outs better terms without paying everyone else the same. Since it cannot afford to do that, it says it had no choice but to default.

     Yet it is not certain that the clause requiring equal treatment of all bondholders would have applied, given that Argentina would not have been paying the hold-outs voluntarily, but on the courts' orders. Moreover, some owners of the restructured bonds had agreed to waive their rights; had Argentina made a concerted effort to persuade the remainder to do the same, it might have succeeded. Lawyers and bankers have suggested various ways around the clause in question, which expires at the end of the year. But Argentina's government was slow to consider these options or negotiate with the hold-outs, hiding instead behind indignant nationalism.

     Ms Fernández is right that the consequences of America's court rulings have been perverse, unleashing a big financial dispute in an attempt to solve a relatively small one. But hers is not the first government to be hit with an awkward verdict. Instead of railing against it, she should have tried to minimise the harm it did. Defaulting has helped no one: none of the bondholders will now be paid, Argentina looks like a pariah again, and its economy will remain starved of loans and investment.

     Happily, much of the damage can still be undone. It is not too late to strike a deal with the hold-outs or back an ostensibly private effort to buy out their claims. A quick fix would make it easier for Argentina to borrow again internationally. That, in turn, would speed development of big oil and gas deposits, the income from which could help ease its money troubles.

   More important, it would help to change perceptions of Argentina as a financial rogue state. Over the past year or so Ms Fernández seems to have been trying to rehabilitate Argentina's image and resuscitate its faltering economy. She settled financial disputes with government creditors and with Repsol, a Spanish oil firm whose Argentine assets she had expropriated in 2012. This week's events have overshadowed all that. For its own sake, and everyone else's, Argentina should hold its nose and do a deal with the hold-outs.

(http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21610263. Adapted)


The word hers, as used in the second sentence of the fifth paragraph, refers to the Argentine

As explosões que abalam Gaza e Israel abafaram um ruído que é potencialmente muito mais perigoso. Refiro-me às declarações do primeiro-ministro Binyamin Netanyahu de que Israel tem de se assegurar de que "não haverá outra Gaza na Judeia e Samaria" (como os judeus se referem ao território que a comunidade internacional trata por Cisjordânia e é habitado majoritariamente pelos palestinos). Mais especificamente, Netanyahu declarou:
"Acho que o povo de Israel compreende agora o que eu sempre disse: não pode haver uma situação, sob qualquer acordo, na qual nós renunciemos ao controle de segurança no território a oeste do rio Jordão" (de novo, os territórios palestinos).

        http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/colunas/clovisrossi/2014/07/1487168-palestina-o-sonho-acabou.shtml

Assinale a alternativa que apresenta uma interpretação correta das declarações do primeiro- ministro Binyamin Netanyahu.

O presidente dos Estados Unidos, Barack Obama, assegurou neste sábado (9/08) que os ataques aéreos americanos contra os jihadistas que estão tomando o Curdistão iraquiano, no norte do país, continuarão enquanto for necessário.

                                                                                                http://noticias.uol.com.br/ultimas-noticias/efe/20...
                               obama-assegura-que-seguira-bombardeando-jihadistas-enquanto-for-necessario.htm

Sobre essa intervenção estadunidense no Iraque, é correto afirmar:

A Líbia vive a violência mais mortífera desde a guerra de 2011 [...] e, perante a incapacidade do governo em restaurar a ordem, o país mergulha cada vez mais no caos.

                                                                                     http://www.publico.pt/mundo/noticia/dezenas-de-mor...
                                                                                         na-libia-levam-ao-exodo-dos-estrangeiros-1664466

Sobre a atual situação de violência mencionada na reportagem, é correto afirmar:

Mais de três quartos dos migrantes internacionais vão para um país com um nível mais elevado de desenvolvimento humano do que o do seu país de origem. Porém, são significativamente restringidos por políticas que impõem obstáculos à sua entrada e pela escassez de recursos disponíveis que lhes permitam a deslocação. As pessoas de países pobres são as que menos se mudam: por exemplo, o número de africanos que se mudou para a Europa é inferior a 1%.

                                                                               ONU/PNUD. Relatório de Desenvolvimento Humano 2009.
             Ultrapassar barreiras: mobilidade e desenvolvimento humano. Coimbra: Almedina, 2009. p. 2

Considerando o texto e os seus conhecimentos sobre os deslocamentos populacionais, assinale a alternativa correta:

Há um domínio natural (morfoclimático) brasileiro, que está situado em zona climática temperada, mas ainda sob efeito dos trópicos, por isso influenciado por um clima subtropical úmido de planaltos, com inverno bem delimitado e frio. Identifique a afirmação que define outras características desse domínio corretamente.

A cidade de Nova York, que se tornou um exemplo de adoção de faixas para ciclistas em grandes metrópoles, também enfrentou resistências e conflitos por causa do programa da ex-diretora do Departamento de Transporte Jannet Sadik-Khan. Durante os seis anos de sua gestão, de 2007 a 2013, ela mudou a face da cidade. Implantou 450 quilômetros de caminhos para bicicletas, fechou o Times Square para a circulação de veículos e 'roubou' espaços das ruas para as chamadas 'plazas' – locais de convivência, com mesinhas, cadeiras, guarda-sóis e quiosques de alimentação.

            Folha de S. Paulo. NY enfrentou protestos, mas tinha metrô e trens eficientes. 10/08/2014, p. C7.                                                                                                                                                                    Adaptado.

Considerando-se as metrópoles brasileiras, é correto afirmar:

                                          FIGHTING FAT IN THE DESERT 

                                                  By Rod Nordland 

1 Qatari officials have been racking their brains to find a way to address their country's epidemic of obesity. They have built sports facilities, parks, and a splendid hillside road in the capital, with a seaside promenade and parkour stations; hosted fun runs with hefty cash prizes; set up free body mass index and blood pressure monitoring stations. Anything money can buy to draw their citizens — said to be first-richest in the world and sixth-fattest — out of a sedentary lifestyle, they seem to have bought.

2 The only thing is, even Qatar's great wealth has not been able to do anything about the weather, and in a country where highs top 40 degrees Celsius (104 Fahrenheit) for a large part of the year, getting anyone to go out and walk, let alone do outdoor sports, is a lost cause. About the only pedestrians in the summer, when temperatures are even higher, are expatriates. 

3 Now the sports health authorities have introduced a new program that aims to reach Qataris where they live, or at least where they shop — the climate-controlled shopping mall. Four of the emirate's major malls are participating in the program, called “Step Into Health: Walk More, Walk the Mall," posting maps and walking routes, along with information about how many calories could be burned in the process. The malls are also opening their halls two hours before and after shopping hours, for those who want their exercise free of consumerism.

4 “Mall walking is the perfect workout, alongside controlled temperatures; it provides a clean and safe environment to exercise," a promotional brochure for “Step Into Health" reads. The mall walk program is part of a broader effort to encourage Qataris “to walk 10,000 steps and more a day in a noncompetitive, recreational and social way." The organizers hasten to reassure people that mall walking need not be strenuous. “Unlike most community exercise programs, Step Into Health is not about working up a sweat," they say. The walking routes and speeds they have outlined are not likely to do that. 

5 Obesity is a touchy subject in the emirate. Data from the International Association for the Study of Obesity shows that Qatar has the highest obesity rates in the Middle East. About 34 percent of Qatar's men and 45 percent of its women are obese, defined as a body mass index of more than 30. 

6 Those figures, however, only begin to tell the tale. They are based on the emirate's total population of about 1.9 million, but most of those are migrant workers. Qatari citizens number only about 250,000. Since most of the migrant workers are construction and other manual laborers, obesity rates among citizens are likely to be far higher than overall figures suggest. 

7 The first mall walk two weeks ago was pronounced a big success by the government-controlled news media, with some 1,000 people showing up to take part — encouraged by handouts of pedometers (free to anyone who registers for Step Into Health), and free raffles of iPhones, laptops and other Qatari-size baubles. 

8 After that initial outpouring of interest, however, there was relatively little follow-up — a common phenomenon, as every gym manager knows. Soon after, the participating malls were nearly as empty in those shopping-free hours as ever. 

                                                        Adapted from The International Herald Tribune, Tuesday, July 9, 2013 
Which of the following is most supported by the information in the article?

                                             FLORIDA HURRICANES

1 Before Hurricane Sandy tore through New York and New Jersey, it stopped in Florida. Huge waves covered beaches, swept over Fort Lauderdale's concrete sea wall and spilled onto A1A, Florida's coastal highway. A month later another series of violent storms hit south Florida, severely eroding Fort Lauderdale's beaches and a section of A1A. Workers are building a new sea wall, mending the highway and adding a couple of pedestrian bridges. Beach erosion forced Fort Lauderdale to buy sand from an inland mine in central Florida; the mine's soft, white sand stands out against the darker, grittier native variety.

2 Hurricanes and storms are nothing new for Florida. But as the oceans warm, hurricanes are growing more intense. To make matters worse, this is happening against a backdrop of sharply rising sea levels, turning what has been a seasonal annoyance into an existential threat.

3 For around 2,000 years sea levels remained relatively constant. Between 1880 and 2011, however, they rose by an average of 0.07 inches (1.8mm) a year, and between 1993 and 2011 the average was between 0.11 and 0.13 inches a year. In 2007 the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) forecast that seas could rise by as much as 23 inches by 2100, though since then many scientists have called that forecast conservative. Seas are also expected to warm up, which may make hurricanes and tropical storms more intense.

4 Even as seas have risen over the past century, Americans have rushed to build homes near the beach. Storms that lash the modern American coastline cause more economic damage than their predecessors because there is more to destroy. The Great Miami Hurricane of 1926, a Category 4 storm, caused $1 billion-worth of damage in current dollars. Were it to strike today the insured losses would be $125 billion, reckons Air Worldwide, a catastrophe-modelling firm. In 1992 Hurricane Andrew, a Category 5 storm, caused $23 billion in damage; today it would be twice that

5 Most Floridians live in coastal counties. Buildings cluster on low ground; more people than in any other state live on land less than four feet (1.2 metres) above the high-tide line. Florida's limestone bedrock makes it easy for salt water from surging seas to contaminate its freshwater aquifers. And it relies heavily on canals for flood control, which a sea-level rise of just six inches would devastate.

                                                                                              Adapted from The Economist, June 15th , 2013

With respect to sea levels, the article provides information that supports all of the following except

                Catar Feijão

1
Catar feijão se limita com escrever:
joga-se os grãos na água do alguidar
e as palavras na folha de papel;
e depois, joga-se fora o que boiar.
Certo, toda palavra boiará no papel,
água congelada, por chumbo seu verbo:
pois para catar esse feijão, soprar nele,
e jogar fora o leve e oco, palha e eco.

2
Ora, nesse catar feijão entra um risco:
o de que entre os grãos pesados entre
um grão qualquer, pedra ou indigesto,
um grão imastigável, de quebrar dente.
Certo não, quando ao catar palavras:
a pedra dá à frase seu grão mais vivo:
obstrui a leitura fluviante, flutual,
açula a atenção, isca-a como o risco.

             João Cabral de Melo Neto, A educação pela pedra. Considere as seguintes afirmações relativas ao poema de Cabral de Melo:

I O ideal de economia verbal, preconizado no poema, assemelha-se ao ideal estilístico do Graciliano Ramos de Vidas secas, também este sequioso de restringir-se ao essencial.

II O recurso ao “grão imastigável, de quebrar dente” e à “pedra [que] dá à frase seu grão mais vivo”, com o sentido que lhe dá Cabral de Melo, encontra-se presente no próprio poema que a reivindica.

III A ideia de se produzir uma obstrução da leitura como algo positivo participa do objetivo de se romper com os autoritarismos da percepção – desígnio frequente na literatura moderna, inclusive em autores estilisticamente muito diferentes de Cabral, como é o caso de Guimarães Rosa.

Está correto o que se afirma em

                Catar Feijão

1
Catar feijão se limita com escrever:
joga-se os grãos na água do alguidar
e as palavras na folha de papel;
e depois, joga-se fora o que boiar.
Certo, toda palavra boiará no papel,
água congelada, por chumbo seu verbo:
pois para catar esse feijão, soprar nele,
e jogar fora o leve e oco, palha e eco.

2
Ora, nesse catar feijão entra um risco:
o de que entre os grãos pesados entre
um grão qualquer, pedra ou indigesto,
um grão imastigável, de quebrar dente.
Certo não, quando ao catar palavras:
a pedra dá à frase seu grão mais vivo:
obstrui a leitura fluviante, flutual,
açula a atenção, isca-a como o risco.

             João Cabral de Melo Neto, A educação pela pedra. A comparação escolhida por João Cabral de Melo Neto para caracterizar o ato de escrever

       Algum tempo hesitei se devia abrir estas memórias pelo princípio ou pelo fim, isto é, se poria em primeiro lugar o meu nascimento ou a minha morte. Suposto o uso vulgar seja começar pelo nascimento, duas considerações me levaram a adotar diferente método: a primeira é que eu não sou propriamente um autor defunto, mas um defunto autor, para quem a campa foi outro berço; a segunda é que o escrito ficaria assim mais galante e mais novo. Moisés, que também contou a sua morte, não a pôs no introito, mas no cabo: diferença radical entre este livro e o Pentateuco.
       Dito isto, expirei às duas horas da tarde de uma sexta-feira do mês de agosto de 1869, na minha bela chácara de Catumbi. Tinha uns sessenta e quatro anos, rijos e prósperos, era solteiro, possuía cerca de trezentos contos e fui acompanhado ao cemitério por onze amigos.

                                                             Machado de Assis, Memórias póstumas de Brás Cubas.

Ao configurar as Memórias póstumas de Brás Cubas como narrativa em primeira pessoa, conforme se verifica no trecho, Machado de Assis